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Vol. IV. 




Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1852, by 


In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Southern District of New-York. 






The approach of Kevolution, 3 — The unity of the human race, 5 — Its 
progress, 8 — History records that progress, 9 — The American Eevolution, 12 
— Its character and extent, 12 — Relation of the Thirteen Colonies to the 
Metropolis, 15 — The Duke of Newcastle as Colonial Minister, 18 — He retires, 
21— Succeeded by the Duke of Bedford, 21. 



Congress at Albany in 1748, 24 — Plans of Clinton and Colden, 25 — The 
Massachusetts Delegation to the Congress, 26 — Shirley, 26 — Oliver and 
Hutchinson, 27 — Treaties with the Six Nations and the Miamis, 28 — Oliver 
and Hutchinson propose the interposition of the king to provide an American 
rand, 29 — Boundary claimed by the French, 30 — Indian mission and village 
at Ogdensburg, 31 — Shirley and Clinton advise coercion of the Colonies by 
Parliament, 32 — Murray the principal adviser, 34 — Clinton resolves to com- 
pel the interposition of parliament, 34 — Spirited resistance of the New- York 
Assembly, 35 — Halifax becomes head of the Board of Trade, 36 — He finds 
France encroaching in America, 37 — and the colonies tending towards Inde- 
pendence, 37 — South Carolina, 38 — North Carolina, 38 — Virginia, 38 — Penn- 
sylvania, 39 — New England, 39— New Jersey, 40 — Halifax seeks to confine 
France by planting a new Colony in the Ohio Valley, 41 — The French take 
measures to prevent it, 42 — Their claims in Acadia, 43 — Halifax plants a 
British Colony in Nova Scotia, 45 — The Acadians, 46 — The Micmac Indians, 


Indians, 47 — The Lords of Trade go to Parliament for absolute power, 48 — 
Protest of the Colonies, 49 — Massachusetts becomes a Hard Money Colony, 
50 — Further intrigues of the Crown Officers in America, 51 — Firmness of 
the Representatives of New York, 53 — Charles Townshend enters the Board 
of Trade, 54 — The Colonies develop a life of their own, 55. 



The Ministry resolve on a new system of Colonial Administration, 56 — 
Zeal of Halifax and Bedford, 57 — Incessant importunities of Crown Officers 
in America, 57 — Stamp tax proposed, 58 — Spirit of New England, 59 — 
Jonathan Mayhew, 59 — The British Ministry persevere, 61 — New Develop- 
ments of the Commercial System, 62 — The Slave Trade, 62 — Restrictions on 
American Manufactures, 63 — The policy unwise, 64 — Prophecy of Turgot's, 
65 — Divisions in the Cabinet, 66 — The French and English in Nova Scotia, 
67 — Halifax and Bedford disagree, 69 — Newcastle against Bedford, 70— The 
English take Chiegnecto, 71 — British and French Commissioners, 72 — A 
French Brigantine seized, 73 — Vermont, 74 — The Ohio Valley, 74 — Explored 
by Gist, 75 — The richness of its lands, 78 — Council at Picqua, 79 — Message 
to the English, 80 — To the French, 80 — Gist returns, 81 — Second journey of 
Croghan, 82. 




Lords of Trade renew their design, 83' — Calendar regulated, 84 — Plan for 
an American Civil List, 84 — Postponed by division in the Cabinet, 86 — Colo- 
nies left to protect themselves, 88 — Zeal of the French, 89 — Plan of union of 
the Americans, 91 — New powers of the Board of Trade, 92 — Relations with 
France in America, 93 — The French begin hostilities, 95 — Council at Shaw- 
nee Town, 95 — Dinwiddie's Report, 97 — State of England, 97 — Measures of 
the Board of Trade, 100 — Discontent of the Western Indians, 101— Decision 
of the king, 101 — The Board busy in attempting to reduce New York, 102 — 
They fail, 104. 


TION CONTINUED. 1753 1754. 

Progress of the French at the West, 106— Protest of the Indians, 107— 
Washington's mission to Fort Le Bceuf, 108— The first Fort at Pittsburg, 112 


— Measures of the Colonies, 113 — Plans for taxes by Parliament, 115 — 
Washington marches towards the Ohio, 116 — The French at Pittsburg, 117 — 
Combat with Jumonville, 118 — The affair at Great Meadows, 120 — Congress 
at Albany, 121 — Treaty with the Six Nations, 122 — Franklin's plan of union, 
123 — Franklin advises colonizing the West, 126. 



The American Colonies, 127 — Their population, 127 — White, 128 — Black, 
129— Georgia, 130— South Carolina, 131— North Carolina, 132— Virginia, 
133 — Maryland, 137 — Pennsylvania and Delaware, 139 — New Jersey, 142 — 
New York, 144 — New England, 148 — Its traditions, 151 — Its creed, 154. 


the ministers are advised to tax america by act of parliament. — 
Newcastle's administration. 1754 — 1755. 

Newcastle first Minister, 159 — Commons impatient of their subordination 
to the Lords, 161 — State of the Whig party, 162 — Policy towards New York, 
164 — Plan of American union by Halifax, 165 — Parliament invoked to tax 
America, 167 — Grant of Lands in the Great Western Valley, 167 — Progress 
of affairs with France, 168 — Duke of Cumberland, 169 — Braddock appointed 
General in America, 170 — Mutiny Act, 170 — Eegulation of Quotas, 171 — 
Shirley's plans, 172 — Franklin's opinions of them, 173 — Shirley on Franklin, 
174 — Want of concert among the Colonies, 175 — Discussions with France, 17(5 
— Braddock and five governors recommend taxation of America by Parlia- 
ment, 177 — Taxation advocated, 178 — Eight of America to Independence, 181. 


england and france contend for the ohio valley and for acadia. — 
Newcastle's administration continued. 1755. 

Plan for 1755, 182 — Howe captures the Alcide and the Lys, 183 — Brad- 
dock advances slowly, 184— The Ninth of July, 186— The Battle, 18S— The 
Defeat, 189 — Death of Braddock, 191 — General consternation, 192 — Peace 
among the Southern Indians, 193 — The Acadians, 193 — Their disaffection, 
196— They are disarmed, 197— The English take Beau Si jour, 197— The re- 
moval of the Acadians projected, 199 — Approved of by Belcher, 201— Ef- 
fected, 202— Their sufferings, 205. 




American Army at Lake George, 207 — Dieskau's approach, 209 — The 
battle, 210 — Shirley fails to reach Niagara, 213 — His opinion on Independ- 
ence, 214 — Musings of John Adams, 215 — French ships seized, 216 — England 
urges Russia to supervise Germany, 218 — Pitt opposes, 219 — Soame Jenyns 
and Rigby become Lords of Trade, 220 — Plans for 1756, 221— Shirley pro- 
poses to the Ministry a Stamp Duty for America, 222 — "Washington's self- 
sacrificing spirit, 223 — Affairs of Pennsylvania, 224 — Supremacy of the Mili- 
tary in America, 226 — Appointment of Loudoun as Commander-in-Chief, 228 
—Foreign officers employed, 231 — Cumberland thought of as king, 232. 



TEATION CONTINUED. 1755 — 1756. 

Declaration of War against France, 233 — Rule of '56, 233 — Delay in pre- 
parations for war, 235 — Washington neglected, 235 — Soldiers billeted in pri- 
vate houses, 236 — Capture of Oswego by Montcalm, 237 — Loudoun uses his 
army only against the Americans, 240 — Affair of Kittanning, 241 — Colony 
on the Santilla, 242 — Intrigues in the English Court, 243 — Pitt forms a 
Ministry without Newcastle, 247 — Pitt protects American Liberty, 249 — Is 
dismissed, 250. i 



Adventures near Lake George, 251 — Congress at Philadelphia, 252 — State 
of Pennsylvania, 253 — Franklin, its agent, 254 — Summer wasted in America, 
256 — Prince George takes an interest in the Colonies, 257 — Siege of Fort 
William Henry, 258 — Its surrender, 264 — The massacre, 265 — Pusillanimity 
of the British Officers, 266— General discontent, 269— The result, 270— The 
Aristocracy cannot rule without the People, 271. 




No one dares take Pitt's place, 272 — He forms a Ministry with Newcastle, 
273— The man of the people, 275 — The Great Question, 276 — The Catholic 
Powers, 277— Frederic of Prussia, 279— State of France, 280— The new 
Alliances, 281 — Frederic invades Bohemia, 282 — His defeat at Colin, 282 — 
His retreat and reverses, 283 — Battle of Kossbach, 285 — New reverses in 
Silesia, 286— Battle of Leuthen, 287— Prussia saved, 289. 


CONTINUED. 1757 — 1758. 

Pitt plans the Conquest of French America, 290 — Self-imposed taxes of 
Massachusetts, 293 — Sufferings of the Canadians, 294 — .Amherst and Wolfe 
sent to America, 295 — Siege of Louisburgh, 296 — Its capture, 297 — Gathering 
of troops at Lake George, 298 — They embark for Ticonderoga, 300 — Death 
of Lord Howe, 302 — Abercrombie defeated by Montcalm, 303 — The retreat, 
306 — Skirmishes, 307 — Bradstreet takes Oswego, 308 — Expedition to the 
West, 809— Defeat of Grant, 311 — Washington in command of the advance 
party, 312 — His success, 313 — The naming of Pittsburg, 313 — Honors con- 
ferred on Washington, 313. 



Plans for 1759, 315— Successes of England, 316 — Lord George Sackville, 
317 — Spirit of America, 319 — Niagara taken, 320— Inactivity of Gage, 322 — 
Amherst reaches Crown Point, 322 — Wolfe and Saunders in the St. Lawrence, 
324— Wolfe offers battle, 328— Is repulsed, 329— Desponds, 330— The Briga- 
diers suggest a landing above the town, 330 — Wolfe prepares to execute it, 
331— The Landing, 333— The Battle, 334r— Death of Wolfe, 336— Of Mont- 
calm, 337 — Surrender of Quebec, 338. 



CONTINUED. 1759 1760. 

George Townshend at Boston, 339 — Lyttleton and the Cherokees, 340 — He 
provokes a War, 342 — The Legislature oppose, 345 — A Council with the 
Cherokees, 345 — The march into their country, 347 — Lyttleton's Perfidy, 348 
— His ill success and triumph, 349 — The Cherokees do and suffer wrong, 350 
— New Expedition into their country, 351 — Hasty retreat, 354 — Fort Lou- 
doun surrenders, 355 — The frontier left unprotected, 356. 



Quebec besieged by the French, 358 — Relieved, 359 — Canada capitulates, 
360 — Possession taken of the North-West, 361 — Earl of Bath pleads for keep- 
ing Canada at the peace, 363 — William Burke and others oppose, 364 — 
Franklin rejoins, 366 — Prophecy of American Independence, 369 — Plans to 
prevent it, 370 — And for taxing America, 370 — Pennsylvania in strife with its 
proprietaries and with the Lords of Trade, 371 — Lord Mansfield and Edmund 
Burke, 375 — Increase of contraband trade, 376 — Bernard made Governor of 
Massachusetts, 377 — He appoints Hutchinson Chief Justice, 378 — The Lords 
of Trade advise taxing America at the peace, 379 — Death of George II., 381. 




Intrigues at Court, 382 — The first speech to Jhe Council, 383 — Bute in the 
Cabinet, 384 — General welcome to the new king, 385 — First impressions of 
his character, 386 — His Favorite, 387 — Eelations with Prussia, 389 — The 
Elections, 390 — Bute becomes a Secretary of State, 391 — Negotiations with 
France for peace, 392 — Choiseul, 394 — Pitt impracticable, 395 — Magnanimity 
of Frederic, 397 — Pitt does not favor peace, 398 — More humane views of 
Bedford, 400— Affairs of Spain, 401— The Family Compact, 403— Special 
Convention between France and Spain, 404 — The ultimatissimum of France, 
405 — Pitt proposes to declare war against Spain, 406 — Is outvoted in the 
Cabinet, 408 — Pitt resigns, 409 — Accepts a pension, 410. 





George Grenville remains in office, 412 — Bedford joins the Ministry, 412— 
Acts of Trade resisted in Boston, 414 — Speech of James Otis on Writs of 
Assistance, 415— Effects of his eloquence, 417 — His character, 419 — He is 
chosen a representative of Boston, 420 — Virginia opposes the Slave Trade, 421 
— South Carolina desires to restrain it, 422 — Expedition against the Chero- 
kees, 423 — Fight on the Oowhoowee, 424 — Peace established by mutual con- 
cessions, 425 — Discontent of South Carolina, 426 — The independence of the 
judiciary throughout America subverted, 427. 



REPUBLIC. 1762. 

League of the Catholic Powers, 432 — Proposed Federation of Maritime 
States, 433 — England offers Austria acquisitions in Italy, 433 — Firmness of 
Frederic, 433 — Death of the Empress of Kussia, 434 — Alliance of Eussia and 
Prussia, 434 — England deserts Prussia, 435 — Conquest of Martinico, 436 — 
Newcastle resigns, 436 — Decline of the Whig Aristocracy, 437 — Prediction of 
the decline of the great Monarchies, 438 — Eeorganization of the Cabinet, 
438 — Negotiations for peace opened, 439 — Liberties of America menaced 
after the peace, 439 — No more Judges but at the king's will, 440 — The king 
pays the Chief Justice of New- York, 440 — Maryland and Pennsylvania repri- 
manded, 441 — Bedford negotiates for a Peace, 442 — Siege of Havana, 444 — 
Moro Castle taken, 444 — The town surrenders, 445 — Negotiations for Peace 
continued, 446 — Rupture of the king with the great Whig Lords, 446 — 
Charles Townshend plans taxing America, 447 — Otis in the Massachusetts 
Assembly denies the power, 447 — His theory of Government, 448 — His 
popularity, 449 — General apprehension of encroachments on rights, 449. 


engiand, grasping at the colonies of france and spain, risks her own. — 
Bute's ministry. 1762 — 1763. 

George III. persists in desiring peace, 451 — Choiseul yields to necessity 
451 — The treaty of peace, 452 — Parliament approves the treaty, 453 — The 


intention to tax the Colonies avowed, 454 — Prussia concludes a glorious 
peace, 454 — The sufferings of Europe during the war, 455 — Results of the 
peace, 456 — Diffusion of the English Tongue, 456 — El-founded joy of England 
in its conquests, 457 — France as a colonizing State, 457 — Institutions ot 
New FraDce, 458 — Institutions of New England and the other British Colo- 
nies, 459 — Consequences of the acquisition of Canada predicted in 1748, 460 — 
Opinion of Yergennes in 1763, 461 — The old Colonial system self-destruc- 
tive, 462. 














In the year of our Lord one thousand seven hun- CH 1 f p 
dred and forty-eight, Montesquieu, wisest in his age of 
the reflecting statesmen of France, apprized the culti- 
vated world, that a free, prosperous and great people 
was forming in the forests of America, which England 
had sent forth her sons to inhabit. 1 The hereditary 
dynasties of Europe, all unconscious of the rapid 
growth of the rising power, which was soon to in- 
volve them in its new and prevailing influence, were 
negotiating treaties among themselves to bring their 
last war of personal ambition definitively to an end. 

1 De l'Esprit des Lois. Li v. xix. portant avec lui la prosperity on 
chap, xxvii. Elle [une nation li- verroit se former de grands peuples 
bre] donneroit anx penples de ses * dans les forets memes qu'elle enver- 
colonies la forme de son gonverne- roit habiter. 
ment propre : et ce gonvernement 


chap, rpj^ gp ea ^ maritime powers, weary of hopes of con- 
■ — r**' quest and ignorant of coming reform, desired repose. 
48, To restore possessions as they had been, or were to 
have been, was accepted as the condition of peace; 
and guaranties were devised to keep them safe 
against vicissitude. But the eternal flow of existence 
never rests, bearing the human race onwards througli 
continuous change. Principles grow into life by in- 
forming the public mind, and in their maturity gain 
the mastery over events ; following each other as 
they are bidden, and ruling without a pause. ~No 
sooner do the agitated waves begin to subside, than, 
amidst the formless tossing of the billows, a new mes- 
senger from the Infinite Spirit moves over the waters ; 
and the bark which is freighted with the fortunes 
of mankind, yields to the gentle breath as it first 
whispers among the shrouds, even while the behold- 
ers still doubt if the breeze is springing, and whence 
it comes, and whither it will go. 

The hour of revolution was at hand, promising 
freedom to conscience and dominion to intelligence. 
History, escaping from the dictates of authority and 
the jars of insulated interests, enters upon new and 
unthought-of domains of culture and equality, the 
happier society where power springs freshly from 
ever-renewed consent ; the life and activity of a con- 
nected world. 

For Europe, the crisis foreboded the struggles of 
generations. The strong bonds of faith and affection, 
which once united the separate classes of its civil 
hierarchy, had lost their vigor. In the impending 
chaos of states, the ancient forms of society, after 
convulsive agonies, were doomed to be broken in 
pieces; and the fragments to become distinct, and 


seemingly lifeless, like the dust ; ready to be whirled 
in clouds by the tempest of public rage, with a force 
as deadly as that of the sand storm in the Libyan des- 
ert. The voice of reform, as it passed over the desola- 
tion, would inspire animation afresh ; but in the classes 
whose power was crushed, as well as in the oppressed 
who knew not that they were redeemed, it might also 
awaken wild desires, which the ruins of a former 
world could not satiate. In America, the influences 
of time were moulded by the creative force of reason, 
sentiment, and nature. Its political edifice rose in 
lovely proportions, as if to the melodies of the lyre. 
Peacefully and without crime, humanity was to make 
for itself a new existence. 

A few men of Anglo-Saxon descent, chiefly farm- 
ers, planters, and mechanics, with their wives and 
children, had crossed the Atlantic in search of free^ 
dom and fortune. They brought the civilization 
which the past had bequeathed to Great Britain; 
they were followed by the slave-ship and the African ; 
their happiness invited emigrants from every lineage 
of Central and Western Europe ; the mercantile sys- 
tem, to which they were subjected, prevailed in the 
councils of all metropolitan states, and extended its 
restrictions to every continent that allured to con- 
quest, commerce, or colonization. The accomplish- 
ment of their independence would agitate the globe, 
would assert the freedom of the oceans as commercial 
highways, vindicate power in the commonwealth for 
the united judgment of its people, and assure to them 
the right to a self-directing vitality. 

The authors of the American Kevolution avowed 
for their object the welfare of mankind, and believed 




CH I ^ P - that they were in the service of their own and of all 
^ — - future generations. Their faith was just; for the 
If**, world of mankind does not exist in fragments, nor can 
a country have an insulated existence. All men are 
brothers ; and all are bondsmen for one another. All 
nations, too, are brothers, and each is responsible for 
that federative humanity which puts the ban of exclu- 
sion on none. New principles of government could 
not assert themselves in one hemisphere without affect- 
ing the other. The very idea of the progress of an 
individual people, in its relation to universal history, 
springs from the acknowledged unity of the race. 

From the dawn of social being, there has appeared 
a tendency towards commerce and intercourse be- 
tween the scattered inhabitants of the earth. That 
mankind have ever earnestly desired this connection, 
appears from their willing homage to the adventu- 
rers and to every people, who have greatly enlarged 
the boundaries of the world, as known to civilization. 
The traditions of remotest antiquity celebrate the 
half-divine wanderer who raised pillars on the shores 
of the Atlantic; and record, as a visitant from the 
skies, the first traveller from Europe to the central 
rivers of Asia. It is the glory of Greece, that, when 
she had gathered on her islands and among her hills 
the scattered beams of human intelligence, her nu- 
merous colonies carried the accumulated light to the 
neighborhood of the ocean and to the shores of the 
Euxine. Her wisdom and her arms connected con- 

When civilization intrenched herself within the 
beautiful promontory of Italy, and Rome led the van 
of European reform, the same movement continued 
with still vaster results ; for, though the military re- 


public bounded the expansive spirit of independence 
by giving dominion to property, and extended her own 
influence by the sword, yet, heaping up conquests, 
adding island to continent, crushing nationalities, offer- 
ing a shrine to strange gods, and citizenship to every 
vanquished people, she extended over a larger empire 
the benefits of fixed principles of law, and a cosmo- 
politan polytheism prevailed as the religion of the 

To have asserted clearly the unity of mankind 
was the distinctive glory of the Christian religion. 
No more were the nations to be severed by the wor- 
ship of exclusive deities. The world was instructed 
that all men are of one blood ; that for all there is 
but one divine nature and but one moral law; and 
the renovating faith taught the singleness of the race, 
of which it embodied the aspirations and guided the 

The tribes of Northern Europe, emerging freshly 
from the wild nurseries of nations, opened new re- 
gions to culture, commerce, and refinement. The 
beams of the majestic temple, which antiquity had 
reared to its many gods, were already falling in; 
the roving invaders, taking to their hearts the rege- 
nerating creed, became its intrepid messengers, and 
bore its symbols even to Iceland and Siberia. 

Still nearer were the relations of the connected 
world, when an enthusiast reformer, glowing with 
selfish ambition, and angry at the hollow forms of 
Eastern superstition, caught life in the deserts of 
Arabia, and founded a system, whose emissaries hur- 
ried lightly on the camel's back beyond pathless 
Bands, and, never diverging far from the warmer 
zone, conducted armies from Mecca to the Ganges 






H I AP - and the Ebro. How did the two systems animate 
**■*- * all the continents of the Old World to combat for 
the sepulchre of Christ, till Europe, from Spain to 
Scandinavia, came into conflict and intercourse with 
the South and East, from Morocco to Hindostan ! 

In due time appeared the mariner from Genoa. 
To Columbus God gave the keys that unlock the 
barriers of the ocean ; so that he filled Christendom 
with his glory. 1 The voice of the world had whis- 
pered to him that the world is one ; and as he went 
forth towards the west, ploughing a wave which no 
European keel had entered, it was his high purpose 
not merely to open new paths to islands or to con- 
tinents, but to bring together the ends of the earth, 
and join all nations in commerce and spiritual life. 

While the world of mankind is accomplishing its 
nearer connection, it is also advancing in the power of 
its intelligence. The possession of reason is the en- 
gagement for that progress of which history keeps 
the record. The faculties of each individual mind 
are limited in. their development ; the reason of the 
whole 2 strives for perfection, has been restlessly form- 
ing itself from the first moment of human existence, 
and has never met bounds to its capacity for improve- 
ment. The generations of men are not like the 
leaves on the trees, which fall and renew themselves 
without melioration or change ; individuals disappear 
like the foliage and the flowers ; the existence of our 
kind is continuous, and its ages are reciprocally de- 
pendent. Were it not so, there would be no great 

1 Columbus to Ferdinand and nen Geschichte in Weltbiirgerlicher 
Isabella on his fourth voyage. Ansicht. Sammtliche Werke. vii., 

2 Kant's Idee zu einer, allgemei- i. 319. 


truths inspiring action, no laws regulating human CH I AP 
achievements ; the movement of the living world ■ — r— 
would, be as the ebb and flow of the ocean ; and the ir ^ s * 
mind would no more be touched by the visible agen- 
cy of Providence in human affairs. In the lower 
creation, instinct is always equal to itself ; the beaver 
builds his hut, the bee his cell, without an acquisition 
of thought, or an increase of skill. " By a particular 
prerogative," as Pascal has written, " not only each 
man advances daily in the sciences, but all men unit- 
edly make a never-ceasing progress in them, as the 
universe grows older ; so that the whole succession of 
human beings, during the course of so many ages, 
ought to be considered as one identical man, who 
subsists always, and who learns without end." 

It is this idea of continuity which gives vitality to , 
history. No period of time has a separate being ; no 
public opinion can escape the influence of previous in- 
telligence. We are cheered by rays from former cen- 
turies, and live in the sunny reflection of all their 
light. What though thought is invisible, and even 
when effective, seems as transient as the wind that 
raised the cloud ? It is yet free and indestructible ; 
can as little be bound in chains as the aspiring flame ; 
and, when once generated, takes eternity for its guar- 
dian. We are the children and the heirs of the past, 
with which, as with the future, we are indissolubly 
linked together; and he that truly has sympathy 
with every thing belonging to man, will, with his toils 
for posterity, blend affection for the times that are 
gone by, and seek to live in the vast life of the ages. 1 
It is by thankfully recognising fhose ages as a part 

1 Vivre dans la grande vie des siecles. 



chap. f ^ e g rea t existence in which we share, that his- 
tory wins power to move the soul. She comes to us 
with tidings of that which for us still lives, of that 
which has become the life of our life. She embalms 
and preserves for us the life-blood, not of master- 
spirits only, but of generations of the race. 

And because the idea of improvement belongs to 
that of continuous being, history is, of all pursuits, the 
most cheering. It throws a halo of delight and hope 
even over the sorrows of humanity, and finds promises 
of joy among the ruins of empires and the graves of 
nations. It sees the footsteps of Providential Intelli- 
gence every where ; and hears the gentle tones of his 
voice in the hour of tranquillity ; 

" Nor God alone in the still calm we find ; 

He mounts the storm and walks upon the wind." 

Institutions may crumble and governments fall, but 
it is only that they may renew a better youth, and 
mount upwards like the eagle. The petals of the flow- 
er wither, that fruit may form. 1 The desire of per- 
fection, springing always from moral power, rules even 
the sword, and escapes unharmed from the field of 
carnage ; giving to battles all that they can have of 
lustre, and to warriors their only glory; surviving 
martyrdoms, and safe amid the wreck of states. On 
the banks of the stream of time, not a monument has 
been raised to a hero or a nation, but tells the tale 
and renews the hope of improvement. Each people 
that has disappeared, every institution that has pass- 
ed away, has been but a step in the ladder by which 
humanity ascends towards the perfecting of its nature. 

1 Kant's Werke. 



And how has it always been advancing; to the just 
judgments of the past, adding the discoveries of succes- 
sive ages! The generations that hand the torch of 
truth along the lines of time, themselves become dust 
and ashes ; but the light still increases its ever-burning 
flame, and is fed more and more plenteously with con- 
secrated oil. 1 How is progress manifest in religion, 
from the gross symbols of the East to the sublime 
philosophy of Greece, from the Fetichism of the sav- 
age to the Polytheism of Rome ; from the multiplied 
forms of ancient superstition and the lovely represen- 
tations of deities in stone, to the clear conception of 
the unity of divine power, and the idea of the pres- 
ence of God in the soul ! How has mind, in its inqui- 
sitive freedom, taught man to employ the elements as 
mechanics do their tools, and already, in part, at least, 
made him the master and possessor of nature ! 2 How 
has knowledge not only been increased, but diffused ! 
How has morality been constantly tending to subdue 
the supremacy of brute force, to refine passion, to en- 
rich literature with the varied forms of pure thought 
and delicate feeling! How has social life been im- 
proved, and every variety of toil in the field and in 
the workshop been ennobled by the willing industry 
of freemen ! How has humanity been growing con- 
scious of its unity and watchful of its own develop- 
ment, till public opinion, bursting the bonds of nation- 
ality, knows itself to be the spirit of the world, in 
its movement on the tide of thought from generation 
to generation ! 

1 Milton's Animadversions up- 2 Descartes. Discours de la Me- 

on the Remonstrants' Defence. " O thode. Sixieme Partie. (Euvres i. 

thou that hast the seven stars," 192. 
fee, &A 




From the intelligence that had been slowly ripen- 
ing in the mind of cultivated humanity, sprung the 
American Revolution, which was designed to organize 
social union through the establishment of personal 
freedom, and thus emancipate the nations from all 
authority not flowing from themselves. In the old 
civilization of Europe, power moved from a superior to 
inferiors and subjects ; a priesthood transmitted a 
common faith, from which it would tolerate no dis- 
sent ; the government esteemed itself, by compact 01 
by divine right, invested with sovereignty, dispensing 
protection and demanding allegiance. But a new 
principle, far mightier than the church and state of 
the Middle Ages, was forcing itself into power. Suc- 
cessions of increasing culture and heroes in the world 
of thought had conquered for mankind the idea of the 
freedom of the individual ; the creative but long latent 
energy that resides in the collective reason was next to 
be revealed. From this the state was to emerge, like 
the fabled spirit of beauty and love out of the foam 
of the ever- troubled ocean. It was the office of Ame- 
rica to substitute for hereditary privilege the natural 
equality of man ; for the irresponsible authority of a 
sovereign, a dependent government emanating from 
the concord of opinion ; and as she moved forward in 
her high career, the multitudes of every clime gazed 
towards her example with hopes of untold happiness, 
and all the nations of the earth sighed to be renewed. 

The American Revolution, of which I write the 
history, essaying to unfold the principles which or- 
ganized its events, and bound to keep faith with the 
ashes of its heroes, was most radical in its character, 
yet achieved with such benign tranquillity, that even 
conservatism hesitated to censure. A civil war &rmed 


men of the same ancestry against each other, yet for ch ap- 
the advancement of the principles of everlasting peace ^ — 
and universal brotherhood. A new plebeian demo- 
cracy took its place by the side of the proudest em- 
pires. Keligion was disenthralled from civil institu- 
tions. Thought obtained for itself free utterance by 
speech and by the press. Industry was commissioned 
to follow the bent of its own genius. The system of 
commercial restrictions between states was reprobated 
and shattered ; and the oceans were enfranchised for 
every peaceful keel. International law was humanized 
and softened ; and a new, milder and more just mari- 
time code was concerted and enforced. The trade in 
slaves was branded and restrained. The home of the 
language of Bacon and Milton, of Chatham and Wash- 
ington, became so diffused, that in every zone, and almost 
in every longitude, childhood lisps the English as its 
mother tongue * The equality of all men was declared ; 
personal freedom secured in its complete individuality , 
and common consent recognised as the only just origin 
of fundamental laws, so that the people in thirteen 
separate states, with ample territory for creating more, 
each formed its own political institutions. By the 
side of the principle of the freedom of the individual 
and the freedom of the separate states, the noblest 
work of human intellect was consummated in a federa- 
tive union. And that union put away every motive 
to its destruction, by insuring to each successive gene- 
ration the right to better its constitution, according to 
the increasing intelligence of the living people. 

Astonishing deeds, throughout the world, attended 
these changes. Armies fought in the wilderness for 
rule over the solitudes which were to be the future 
dwelling-place of millions. Navies hunted each other 

VOL. IV. 2 


chap, through every sea, engaging in battle now near the 
<— y— ' region of icebergs, now among the islands of the tro- 
1748. pj cg> Inventive art was summoned to make war more 
destructive, and to signalize sieges by new miracles of 
ability and daring. Africa was invaded and, in part, 
appropriated by rival nations of white men. Asia 
was subjected to the influence and dominion of the 
higher culture of Europe, and an adventurous com- 
pany of British traders succeeded by conquest to the 
empire of the Great Mogul. 

For America, the period abounded in new forms of 
virtue and greatness. Fidelity to principle pervaded 
the masses. An unorganized people of their own 
free will suspended commerce by universal assent. 
Poverty rejected bribes. Heroism, greater than 
that of chivalry, burst into action from lowly 
men. Citizens, with their families, fled from their 
homes and wealth in towns, rather than yield to op- 
pression. Battalions sprung up in a night from spon- 
taneous patriotism. Where eminent statesmen hesita- 
ted, the instinctive action of the multitude revealed 
the counsels of magnanimity. Youth and genius gave 
up life freely for the liberties of mankind. A nation 
without union, without magazines and arsenals, without 
a treasury, without credit, without government, fought 
successfully against the whole strength and wealth of 
Great Britain. An army of veteran soldiers capitula- 
ted to insurgent husbandmen. 

The world could not watch with indifference the 
spectacle. The oldest aristocracy of France, the proud- 
est nobles of Poland, the bravest hearts of Germany, 
sent their representatives to act as the peers of plebe- 
ians, to die gloriously, or to live beloved, as the cham- 
pions of humanity and freedom. Russia and the 



northern nations protected the young republic by an CB ^?> 
armed neutrality ; while the catholic and feudal mon- «=» 
archies of France and Spain, children of the Middle 
Age, were wonderfully swayed to open the gates 
of futurity to the new empire of democracy ; so 
that, in human affairs, God never showed more vis- 
ibly his gracious providence and love. 

Yet the thirteen colonies, in whom was involved 
the futurity of our race, were feeble settlements in the 
wilderness, scattered along the coast of a continent, 
little connected with each other, little heeded by their 
metropolis, almost unknown to the world. They were 
bound together only as British America, that part of 
the Western hemisphere which the English mind had 
appropriated. England was the mother of its language, 
the home of its traditions, the source of its laws, and 
the land on which its affections centred. And yet it 
was an offset from England, rather than an integral 
part of it ; an empire of itself, free from nobility and 
prelacy, not only Protestant, but by a vast majority 
dissenting from the Church of England ; attracting 
the commoners and plebeian sects of the parent coun- 
try, and rendered cosmopolitan by recruits from the 
nations of the European continent. By the benignity 
of the law, the natives of other lands were received as 
citizens ; and political liberty, as a birthright, was the 
talisman, that harmoniously blended all differences 
and inspired a new public life, dearer than their native 
tongue, their memories and their kindred. Dutch, 
French, Swede and German, renounced their national- 
ity, to claim the rights of Englishmen. 

The extent of those rights, as held by the colo- 
nists, had never been precisely ascertained. Of all 


chap. j.j ie f ormg f c iy^[ government of which they had ever 
heard or read, no one appeared to them so well calcu- 


lated to preserve liberty, and to secure all the most 
valuable advantages of civil society as the English -, 1 
and of this happy constitution of the mother country, 
which it was usual to represent, and almost to adore, 
as designed to approach perfection, 2 they held their 
own to be a copy, or rather an improvement, with ad- 
ditional privileges not enjoyed by the common people 
there. 3 The elective franchise was more equally dif- 
fused ; there were no decayed boroughs, or unrepre- 
sented towns; representation, which was universal, 
conformed more nearly to population; in colonies 
which contained more than half the inhabitants, the 
legislative assembly was chosen annually and by bal- 
lot, and the time for convening the legislature was 
fixed by a fundamental law ; the civil list in every 
colony but one was voted annually, and annually sub- 
jected to scrutiny ; appropriations of money often, for 
greater security against corruption and waste, included 
the nomination and appointment of the agents who 
were to direct the expenditures ; municipal liberties 
were more independent and more extensive ; in none 
of the colonies was there an ecclesiastical court, and in 
most of them there was no established church or reli- 
gious test of capacity for office ; the cultivator of the 
soil was for the most part a freeholder; in all the 
continent the people possessed arms, and the able-bo- 
died men were enrolled and trained to their use ; so 
that in America there was more of personal indepen- 
dence and far more of popular power than in England. 

1 Writings of Samael Adams in mentaries, book i. c. i. § v. Note 12. 
1748. 8 Writings of Samuel Adams in 

a Compare Blackstone's Com- 1748. 


This colonial superiority, which had grown from 
sufferance and from circumstances, was a subject of in- 
cessant complaint on the part of the officers of the 
crown, upon whose struggles the metropolis might 
cease to look with indifference ; the relations of the 
colonies to Great Britain, whether to the king or to 
the parliament, were still more vague and undefined. 
They were planted under grants from the crown, and, 
to the last, the king in council was their highest 
court of appeal ; yet, while the court lawyers of the 
seventeenth century asserted for the king unlimited 
legislative authority in the plantations, the colonies 
set bounds to the royal prerogative, either through the 
charters which the crown was induced to grant, or by 
the traditionary principles of English liberty, or by the 
innate energy, which, aided by distance, fearlessly as- 
sumed self-direction. 

The method adopted in England for superintend- 
ing American affairs, by means of a Board of Commis- 
sioners for Trade and Plantations, who had neither a 
voice in the deliberation of the cabinet nor access to 
the king, tended to involve the colonies in ever- 
increasing confusion. The Board framed instructions 
without power to enforce them, or to propose measures 
for their efficiency. It took cognizance of all events, 
and might investigate, give information, or advise; 1 
but it had no authority to form an ultimate decision on 
any political question whatever. In those days there 
were two secretaries of state charged with the manage- 
ment of the foreign relations of Great Britain. The 
executive power with regard to the colonies was 
reserved to the Secretary of State, who had the 

1 Chalmers's Political Annals of chap. ih\ 286. Opinions of Eminent 
the United Colonies. Book ii., Lawyers ; Preface viii., ix. 



CH I AP - care of what was called tlie Southern Department, 
^^ which included the conduct of all relations with the 
1 * Spanish peninsula and France. The Board of Trade, 
framed originally to restore the commerce and en- 
courage the fisheries of the metropolis, was compell- 
ed to hear complaints from the executive officers in 
America, to issue instructions to them, and to receive 
and consider all acts of the colonial legislatures; 
but it had no final responsibility for the system of 
American policy that might be adopted. Hence from 
their very feebleness the Lords of Trade were ever 
ready to express their impatience at contradiction; 
easily grew vexed at disobedience to their orders; 
and were much inclined to suggest the harshest me- 
thods of coercion, knowing that their petulance would 
exhale itself in official papers, unless it should touch 
the pride or waken the resentment of the responsible 
minister, the crown and parliament. 

The effect of their recommendations would depend 
on the character of the person who might happen to 
be the Secretary of State for the South, and on his 
influence with the parliament and the king. A long 
course of indecision had hitherto multiplied the ques- 
tions, on which the demands and the customary pro- 
cedure of the colonies were utterly at variance with 
the maxims that prevailed at the Board of Trade. 

In April, 1724, the seals for the Southern Depart- 
ment and the colonies had been intrusted to the Duke 
of Newcastle. His advancement by Sir Robert Wal- 
pole, who shunned men of talents as latent rivals, was 
owing to his rank, wealth, influence over boroughs, 
and personal imbecility. For nearly four-and-twenty 
years he remained minister for British America ; yet 


to the last, the statesman, who was deeply versed in Cll ^ p ' 
the statistics of elections, knew little of the continent - — r— 
of which he was the guardian. He addressed letters, 1 
it used to be confidently said, to " the island of New 
England," 1 and could not tell but that Jamaica was 
in the Mediterranean. 2 Heaps of colonial memorials 
and letters remained unread in his office ; and a paper 
was almost sure of neglect, unless some agent re- 
mained with him to see it opened. 3 His frivolous 
nature could never glow with affection, or grasp a 
great idea, or analyse complex relations. After long 
research, I cannot find that he ever once attended 
seriously to an American question, or had a clear con- 
ception of one American measure. 

The power of the House of Commons in Great 
Britain, rested on its exclusive right to grant annually 
the supplies necessary for carrying on the govern- 
ment ; thus securing the ever-recurring opportunity of 
demanding the redress of wrongs. The strength of 
the people in America consisted also in the exclusive 
right of its assemblies to levy and to appropriate co- 
lonial taxes. In England, the king obtained a civil 
list for life ; in America, the rapacity of the governors 
made it expedient to preserve their dependence for 
their salaries on annual grants, of which the amount 
was regulated, from year to year, by a consideration 
of the merits of the officer, as well as the opulence of 
the province. It was easy for the governors to ob- 
tain of their patrons' in the ministry instructions to 
demand peremptorily a large, settled and permanent 
support; but the assemblies treated the instructions 

1 James Otis on the Rights of ten years of the reign of George II. 

the Colonies. MS. Letter of J. Q. 8 Memoires, &c, i. 343. Gov. 

Adams. Clinton, of New- York, to the Earl 

8 Walpole's Memoires of the last of Lincoln, April, 1748. 


as binding only on executive officers, and claimed an 
uncontrolled freedom of deliberation and decision. 
1746. <p remove the inconsistency, the king must pay his offi- 
cers from an independent fund, or change his instruc- 
tions. Newcastle did neither. He continued the in- 
structions, which he privately consented should be 
broken. Often arbitrary from thoughtlessness, he had 
no system, except to weaken opposition by bestowing 
office on its leaders. He was himself free from ava- 
rice ; but having the patronage of a continent, in co- 
lonies where consummate discretion and ability were 
required, he would gratify his connections in the aris- 
tocratic families of England by intrusting the royal 
prerogative to men of broken fortunes, dissolute and 
ignorant, too vile to be employed near home ; so that 
America became the hospital of Great Britain for its 
decayed members of parliament, and abandoned cour- 
tiers. 1 Of such officers the conduct was sure to pro- 
voke jealous distrust, and to justify perpetual oppo- 
sition. But Newcastle was satisfied with distributing 
places ; and acquiesced with indifference in the policy 
of the colonists, to keep the salaries of all officers of 
the crown dependent on the annual deliberations of 
the legislature. Placed between the Lords of Trade, 
who issued instructions, and the cabinet, which alone 
could propose measures to enforce them, he served as 
a non-conductor to the angry zeal of the former, whose 
places, under such a secretary, became more and more 
nearly sinecures ; while America, neglected in Eng- 
land, and rightly resisting her rulers, went on hex 1 
way rejoicing towards freedom and independence. 
Disputes accumulated with every year ; but New- 

1 Huske to a Friend, inclosed Jan. 1758, in Phillimore's Memoirs 
in Lyttelton to his Brother, 30th of Lord Lyttelton, ii. 604. 


castle temporized to the last, and in February, 1748, CH 1 AP 
on the resignation of the Earl of Chesterfield, he es- ■ — ,— > 
caped from the embarrassments of American affairs 17i8e 
by taking the seals for the Northern Department. 
Those of the Southern, which included the colonies, 
were intrusted to the Duke of Bedford. 

The new secretary was " a man of inflexible hon- 
esty and good-will to his country," " untainted by 
duplicity or timidity." His abilities were not bril- 
liant ; but his inheritance of the rank and fortune of 
his elder brother gave him political consideration. 
In 1744, he had entered the Pelham ministry as First 
Lord of the Admiralty, bringing with him to that 
board George Grenville and the Earl of Sandwich. 
In that station his orders to Warren contributed 
essentially to the conquest of Louisburg. Thus his 
attention was drawn to the New World as the scene 
of his own glory. In the last war he had cherished 
"the darling project" of conquering Canada., and 
"the great and practicable views for America" were 
said by Pitt to have " sprung from him alone." Proud 
of his knowledge of trade, and accustomed to speak 
readily on almost every subject, he entered without 
distrust on the administratioi} of a continent. 

Of the two dukes, who, at this epoch of the culmi- 
nating power of the aristocracy, guided the external 
policy of England, each hastened the independence of 
America. Newcastle, who was childless* depended 
on office for all his pleasure ; — Bedford, though some- 
times fond of place, was too proud to covet it always. 
Newcastle had no passion but business, which he con- 
ducted in a fretful hurry, and never finished ; — the 
graver Bedford, though fond of " theatricals and jol- 




lity," 1 was yet capable of persevering in a system. 
Newcastle was of " so fickle a head, and so treacher- 
ous a heart," that Walpole called his "name Perfidy;" 3 
Henry Fox, the first Lord Holland, said, " he had no 
friends, and deserved none ; " and Lord Halifax nsed 
to revile him, in the strongest terms, as " a knave and a 
fool ;" 8 he was too unstable to be led by others, and, 
from his own instinct about majorities, shifted his sails 
as the wind shifted ; — Bedford, who was bold and un- 
bending, and would do nothing but what he himself 
thought " indisputably right," was " always governed," 
and was also "immeasurably obstinate in an opin- 
ion once received;" 4 being "the most ungovernable 
governed man*in England," 5 and the most faithful to 
the vulgar and dissolute "bandits " who formed his 
political connection. Neither was cruel or revenge- 
ful; but while the one "had no rancor. or ill-nature," 
and no enmities but freaks of petulance, the other 
carried decision into his attachments and his feuds. 
Newcastle, with no elevation of mind, no dignity of 
manner, lavished promises, familiar caresses, tears and 
kisses, 6 and cringing professions of regard with prodi- 
gal hypocrisy ; — Bedford, whose hardy nature knew 
no wiles, was too haughty to practise even conceal- 
ment, and was blunt, unabashed, and, without being 
aware of it, rudely impetuous, even in the presence of 
his sovereign. Newcastle was jealous of rivals; — 
Bedford was impatient of contradiction. Newcastle 
was timorous without caution^ and rushed into dim- 

1 Pelhani to Newcastle in Coxe's 3 Bubb Dodington 7 s Diary, 206. 
Pelharn Administration, ii. 365. 4 Walpole's Memoires of George 

2 Lord John Russell's Introduc- II., i. 162. 

tion to the Bedford Correspondence, ■ Henry Fox, Lord Holland, 

i. xxvi. 6 Dodington's Diary, 149. 


culties which lie evaded by indecision ; — the fearless, 
positive, uncompromising Bedford, energetic without 
sagacity, and stubborn with but a narrow range of 1,;r48 * 
thought, scorned to shun deciding upon any question 
that might arise, grew choleric at resistance, could 
not or would not foresee obstacles, and was known 
throughout America as ever ready at all hazards to 
vindicate authority. 



1748— 1749. 

The sun of July, 1748, shed its radiance on the 
banks of the Hudson. The unguarded passes of its 
Highlands derived as yet no interest, but from the 
majestic wildness that enhanced the grandeur of 
their forms. The shadows of the mountains, as they 
bent from their silent repose to greet the infrequent 
bark that spread, its sails to the fro ward summer 
breeze, were deepened by dense forests, which came 
down the hill-sides to the very edges of the river. 
The masses of verdant woodland were but rarely bro- 
ken by openings round the houses of a thinly scatter- 
ed tenantry, and by the solitary mansions of the few 
proprietaries, who, under lavish royal grants, claim- 
ed manors of undefined extent, and even whole coun- 
ties for their inheritance. Through these scenes, 
George Clinton, an unlettered British admiral, who, 
being closely connected with the Duke of Newcastle 
and the Duke of Bedford, had been sent to America 
to mend his fortunes as governor of New York, was 
making his way towards Albany, where the friendship 
of the Six Nations was to be confirmed by a joint 


treaty between their chiefs and the commissioners cl \f F ' 
from several colonies, and the encroachments of 
France were to be circumscribed by a concert for 

As his barge emerged from the Highlands, it near- 
ed 1 the western bank to receive on board Cadwallader 
Golden, the oldest member of the royal council. 
How often had the governor and his advisers joined 
in deploring " the levelling principles 2 of the people 
of New York and the neighboring colonies;" "the 
tendencies of American legislatures to independence ;" 
their unwarrantable presumption in " declaring their 
own rights and privileges;" their ambitious efforts 
"to wrest the administration from the king's offi- 
cers," by refusing fixed salaries, and compelling the 
respective governors to annual capitulations for their 
support! How had they conspired to dissuade the 
English government from countenancing the opulent 
James Delancey, then the Chief Justice of the Pro- 
vince and the selfish and artful leader of the opposi- 
tion ! " The inhabitants of the plantations," they re- 
iterated to one another and to the ministry, " are gen- 
erally educated in republican principles ; upon repub- 
lican principles all is conducted. Little more than a 
shadow of royal authority remains in the Northern 
Colonies." 3 Very recently the importunities of Clinton 
had offered the Duke of Newcastle " the dilemma of 
supporting the governor's authority, or relmquishing 
power to a popular faction." " It will be impossible," 

1 Clinton to the Duke of Bed- 3 MS. Memorial prepared as a reply- 
ford, 15 August, 1748. to the Kepresentation of the New 

2 Clinton to Colden, 11 March, York Assembly of 19 May, 1747. 
1748. Colden to Clinton, 21 March, Journals of E. Y. Assembly, ii. 149 
1748. Colden to the Duke of New- -155. 
castle, 21 March, 1748. Clinton to 
Colden, 25 April, 1748. 

vol. iv. 3 


C ^ P - said one of Ms letters, which was then undei consider- 
ation 1 in England before the king, " to secure this val- 
uable province from the enemy, or from a faction 
within it, without the assistance of regular troops, 
two thousand men at least. There never was so much 
silver in the country as at present, and the inhabit- 
ants never were so expensive in their habits of life. 
They, with the southern colonies, can well discharge 
this expense." 2 

The party of royalists who had devised the con- 
gress, as subsidiary to the war between France and 
England, were overtaken by the news, that prelimi- 
naries • of peace between the European belligerents 
had been signed in April ; and they eagerly seized the 
opportunity of returning tranquillity, to form plans 
for governing and taxing the colonies by the supreme 
authority of Great Britain. A colonial revenue, 
through British interposition, was desired, for the 
common defence of America, and to defray the civil 
list in the respective provinces. Could an indepen- 
dent income be obtained for either of these purposes, 
it might, by degrees, be applied to both. 

To the convention in Albany came William Shir- 
ley, already for seven years governor of Massachu- 
setts ; an English lawyer, artful, needy, and ambitious ; 
a member of the Church of England ; indifferent to 
the laws and the peculiar faith of the people whom 
he governed, appointed originally to restore or intro- 
duce British authority, and more relied upon than any 
crown officer in America. 

With him appeared Andrew Oliver and Thomas 

1 Board of Trade to Clinton, 29 s Clinton to Newcastle, from the 
June, 1748. draught. 


Hutchinson, both natives and residents of Boston, as CT [f v 
Commissioners from Massachusetts. Oliver was bred • — . — - 
at Harvard College, had solid learning and a good 1 J ^' 
knowledge of the affairs of the province, and could 
write well. Distinguished for sobriety of conduct, 
and for all the forms of piety, he enjoyed public con- 
fidence; but at heart he was ruled by the love of 
money ; and having diminished his patrimony by un- 
successful traffic, was greedy of the pecuniary rewards 
of office. 

The complaisant, cultivated, and truly intelligent 
Hutchinson was now the Speaker of the House of 
Assembly in Massachusetts ; the most plausible and 
the ' most influential, as well as the most ambitious 
man in that colony. Loving praise himself, he sooth- 
ed with obsequious blandishments any one who bade 
fair to advance his ends. To the congregational 
clergy he paid assiduous deference, as one of their 
most serious and constant supporters ; but his conduct 
did not flow from a living faith ; and his pious life 
and unfailing attendance " at meeting," were little more 
than a continuous flattery. He was one who shunned 
uttering a direct falsehood ; but he did not scruple to 
conceal truth, to equivocate, and to deceive. He % 
courted the people, but from boyhood, inwardly dis- 
liked and despised them ; and used their favor and 
confidence only as steps to his own promotion. He, 
too, though well educated, and of uncommon endow- 
ments, and famed at college as of great promise, so 
coveted money, that he became a trader in his native 
town, and like others, smuggled goods which he 
sold at retail. Failing of profits in mercantile pur- 
suits, he withdrew from business in which he had ra- 
ther impaired his inheritance, but his ruling passion 


was unchanged ; and to gain property was the most 
ardent desire of his soul ; l so that his avarice was the 
great incentive to his ambition. He had once been in 
England as agent of Massachusetts at the time when 
the taxing America by parliament first began to be 
talked of, and had thus had occasion to become ac- 
quainted with British statesmen, the maxims of the 
Board of Trade, and the way in which Englishmen 
reasoned about the colonies. He loved the land of 
his nativity, and made a study of its laws and history ; 
but he knew that all considerable emoluments of 
office sprung not from his frugal countrymen, but 
from royal favor. He was a man of clear discern- 
ment, and where unbiassed by his own interests, he 
preferred to do what was right ; but his sordid nature 
led him to worship power ; he could stoop to solicit 
justice as a boon ; and a small temptation not only 
left him without hardihood to resist oppression, but 
would easily bend him to become its instrument. At 
the same time he excelled in the art of dissimulation, 
and knew how to veil his selfishness by the appear- 
ance of public spirit. 

The congress at Albany was thronged beyond ex- 
ample by the many chiefs of the Six Nations and 
their allies. 2 They resolved to have no French with- 
in their borders, nor even to send deputies to Canada, 
but to leave to English mediation the recovery of 
their brethren from captivity. It was announced, 
that tribes of the Far West, dwelling on branches of 
Erie and the Ohio, inclined to friendship ; and nearly 
at that very moment envoys from their villages were 

1 John Eliot. Sub voce Hutch- 2 Minutes of the Congress held 

inson. at Albany, July, 1748. 



at Lancaster, solemnizing a treaty of commerce with 
Pennsylvania, 1 Returning peace was hailed as the ^— r— 
happy moment for bringing the Miamis and their ^^f 8 
neighbors within the covenant chain of the English, 
and thus, as Europeans reasoned, extending British 
jurisdiction through Western New York to the 

The lighted calumet had been passed from mouth 
to mouth ; the graves of the tawny heroes, slain in 
war, had been so covered with expiating presents, 
that their vengeful spirits were appeased ; the wam- 
pum belts of confirmed love had been exchanged; 
when the commissioners of Massachusetts, acting in 
harmony with Clinton and Shirley, and adopting their 
opinions and almost their language, represented to 
them in a memorial, that as Massachusetts, New Hamp- 
shire, and New- York were the barrier of America 
against the French, the charge of defending their 
frontiers ought as little to rest on those provinces, as 
the charge of defending any counties in Great Britain 
on such counties alone ; that the other governments 
had been invited to join hi concerting measures, but 
all, excepting Connecticut, had declined ; they there- 
fore urged an earnest application to the king so far to 
interpose, as that, whilst the French were in Canada, 
the remoter colonies which were not immediately 
exposed, might be obliged to contribute in a just pro- 
p6rtion towards the expense of protecting the inland 
territories of New England and New York. 2 u We," Auo . 
subjoined Clinton and Shirley, as they forwarded the 

1 "Narrative of George Croghan, 2 Memorial of Oliver, Hutchin- 

MS. Causes of the alienation of son and Choate, through Clinton 

the Delaware and Shawaaese In- and Shirley. 
dians. 56, 126. 


paper to the Board of trade, " agree with tlie memo- 
rialists." * 

The attitude of the French justified cautious 
watchfulness on the part of every officer of British 
America. The haste or the negligence of their pleni- 
potentiaries at Aix la Chapelle had left their boun- 
dary in America along its whole line, determined 
only by the vague agreement, that it should be as it 
had been before the war ; and for a quarter of a 
century before the war, it had never ceased to be a 
subject of altercation. In this wavering condition of 
an accepted treaty of peace and an undetermined 
limit of jurisdiction, each # party hurried to occupy in 
advance as much territory as possible, without too 
openly compromising their respective governments. 
Acadia, according to its ancient boundaries, belonged 
to Great Britain ; but France had always, even in times 
of profound peace, 2 urgently declared that Acadia in- 
cluded only the peninsula; before the restoration of 
Cape Breton, an officer from Canada had occupied the 
isthmus between Baye Verte and the Bay of Fundy ; 
a small colony kept possession of the mouth of the 
St. John's River ; 3 and the claim to the coast as far 
west as the Kennebeck had never been abandoned. 4 

At the West, also, France had uniformly and 
frankly claimed the whole basin of the Saint Law- 


1 Clinton and Shirley to the Trade, 2 June, 1749. Lords of 
Board of Trade, 18 August, 1748, Trade to Bedford, 10 August, 
in the collection of documents ob- 1749. De Boisherbert, French Coin- 
tained for the State of New York, mandant at St. John's, to Colonel 
by its agent, John Komeyn Brod- Cornwallis, 16 August, 1749. Corn- 
head. London Documents, xxviii. wallis to Lords of Trade, 20 Au- 
58. gust, 1749. 

2 Eepresentation of the Board of 4 La Galissoniere to Col. Masca- 

Trade to the king, 1721. rene, 1^ January, 1749. 

8 Col. Mascarene to the Board of 


tence and of the Mississippi, and in proof of its right- CJ {f v ' 
rul possession pointed to its castles at Crown Point, »— » — ' 
at Niagara, among the Miamis, and within the 1748 - 
borders of Louisiana. Ever regarding the friendship 
of the Six Nations as a bulwark essential to security, 
La Galissoniere, the governor-general of Canada, in- 
sisted on treating with them as the common allies of 
the French and English; 1 and proposed direct nego- 
tiations with them for liberating their captive war- 
riors. When Clinton and Shirley claimed the delivery 
of the Iroquois prisoners as subjects of England, the 
Canadian governor denied their subjection, and sent 
the letter to be read to the tribes assembled round 
the grand council-fire at Onondaga. " We have ceded 
our lands to no one," spoke their indignant orator, 
after due consultation; "we hold them of Heaven 
alone." 2 

Still further to secure the affections of the confe- 
deracy, it was resolved to establish an Indian mission 
on the southern bank of the St. Lawrence ; and the 
self-devoted Abbe Francis Picquet, 3 attracted by the 
deep and safe harbor, the position at the head of the 
Rapids, the height and size of the surrounding oak 
forests, the surpassingly rich soil, selected Oswegat- 
chie, now Ogdensburg, with a view to gather in a 
village under French supremacy, so many Iroquois 
converts to Christianity, as would reconcile and bind 
all their kindred to the French alliance. And for the 
more distant regions, orders were sent in October to 
the Commandant at Detroit, to oppose eveiy English 

1 La Galissoniere to Clinton, 25 2 Nov., 1748. K Y. Paris Doc. 
Angust, 1748. Shirley to Board of x. 8. 

Trade, 28 'October, 1748. 3 Documentary History of N". 

2 Acte Authentique, &c, &c. T Y., i. 423, &c. 



establishment on the Maumee, the Wabash, and the 
Ohio, by force ; or, if his strength was insufficient, to 
summon the intruder to depart, under highest perils 
for disobedience. 1 

Plausible reasons, therefore, existed for the memo- 
rial of Hutchinson and Oliver; but the more che- 
rished purpose of those who directed the councils of 
the Congress at Albany, was the secure enjoyment of 
the emoluments of office without responsibility to the 
respective American provinces. "From past expe- 
riments," added Clinton and Shirley jointly, as they 
forwarded the ostensibly innocent petition, "we are 
convinced that the colonies will never agree on quotas, 
which must, therefore, be settled by royal instruc- 
tions." 2 " It is necessary for us likewise to observe to 
your lordships," thus they proceeded to explain their 
main design, " on many occasions there has been so 
little regard paid in several colonies to the royal 
instructions, that it is requisite to think of some me- 
thod to enforce them." 3 

What methods should be followed to reduce a 
factious colony had already been settled by the 
great masters of English jurisprudence. Two sys- 
tems of government had long been at variance ; the 
one founded on prerogative, the other on the suprema- 
cy of parliament. The first opinion had been pro- 
fessed by many of the earlier lawyers, who consider- 
ed the colonies as dependent on the crown alone. 
Even after the Revolution, the chief justice at New 
York, in 1702, declared, that, "in the plantations the 

1 Journal de ce qui s'est pass€, N. Y. London Doc. xxviii., 60. 
c. N. Y. Paris Doc. x. 8 Bayard's Trial at New York, 

8 Clinton and Shirley to Board. 1702. 


king governs by his prerogative ; ,n and Sir John Holt c ^ p ' 
had said, " Virginia being a conquered country, their *-» — ' 
law is what the king pleases." But when, in Wll, 
New York, during the administration of Hunter, was 
left without a revenue, the high powers of parlia- 
ment were the resource of the ministers; and they 
prepared a bill, reciting the neglect of the province, 
and imposing all the taxes which had been discon- 
tinued by its legislature. JNTorthey and Raymond, the 
attorney and the solicitor general, lawyers of the 
greatest authority, approved the measure. 1 When, in 
1724, a similar strife occurred between the crown 
and Jamaica, and some held that the king and his 
Privy Council had a right to levy taxes on the in- 
habitants of that island, the crown lawyers, Lord 
Hardwicke, then Sir Philip Yorke, and Sir Clement 
Wearg, 2 made the memorable reply, that " a colony 
of English subjects cannot be taxed but by some 
representative body of their own, or by the parlia- 
ment of England." That opinion impressed itself 
early and deeply on the mind of Lord Mansfield, 
and in October, 1744, when the neglect of Penn- 
sylvania to render aid in the war had engaged the 
attention of the ministry, Sir Dudley Rider and Lord 
Mansfield, then William Murray, declared, that "a 
colonial assembly cannot be compelled to do more 
towards their own defence than they shall see fit, 
unless by the force of an act of parliament, which 
alone can prescribe rules of conduct for them." 3 
Aw r ay, then, with all attempts to compel by prerog- 

1 Knox, Controversy Reviewed. 8 Chalmers' Introduction, MS. ii 

s Opinions of eminent Lawyers. 86. 
i. 223. Mansfield's opinion in the 
case of Campbell v. Hall. 


C ^l P * a ti ye ? *° govern by instructions, to obtain a revenue 
— *— ' by royal requisitions, to fix quotas by a council of 
1748.1 crown officers. No power but that of parliament can 
overrule the colonial assemblies. 

Such was the doctrine of Murray, who was him- 
self able to defend his system, being unrivalled in 
debate, except by William Pitt alone. The advice of 
this illustrious jurist was the more authoritative, be- 
cause he a had long known the Americans." " I be- 
gan life with them," said he, on a later occasion, " and 
owe much to them, having been much concerned in 
the plantation causes before the Privy Council. So 
I became a good deal acquainted with American 
affairs and people." 1 During the discussions that 
are now to be related, he was often consulted by the 
agents of the American royalists. His opinion, coin- 
ciding with that of Hardwicke, was applauded by the 
Board of Trade, and became the corner-stone of 
British policy. 

On this theory of parliamentary supremacy Shir- 
ley and his associates placed their reliance. Under 
his advice, 2 it was secretly, but firmly, resolved to 
bring the disputes between governors and American 
assemblies to a crisis ; New York was selected as the 
theatre, and the return of peace as the epoch, for the 
experiment ; elaborate documents prepared the mim's- 
try for the struggle ; and Clinton was to extort from 
the colonial legislature fixed salaries and revenues at 
the royal disposition, or, by producing extreme disor- 

1 Holiday's Life of Lord Mans- 1749. That Clinton acted by the 
field, 248. advice of Shirley appears from, se- 

8 Clinton • tc Bedford, 17 Oct. veral letters- 


der, to compel the interposition of the parliament of CI ^ P 
Great Britain. 1 • — . — ■ 

To the Assembly which met in October, 1748, 1 q^' 
Clinton, faithful to his engagements, and choosing 
New York as the opening scene in the final contest 
that led to independence, declared, that the methods 
adopted for colonial supplies " made it his indispen- 
sable duty at the first opportunity to put a stop to 
these innovations;" and he demanded, what had so 
often been refused, the grant of a revenue to the 
king for at least five years. The Assembly, in reply, 
insisted on naming in their grants the incumbent of 
each office. "From recent experience," they con- 
tinue, " we are fully convinced that the method of an 
annual support is most wholesome and salutary, and 
are confirmed in the opinion, that the faithful rep- 
resentatives of the people will never depart from it." * 
Warning them of the anger of " parliament," 2 Clinton 
prorogued the Assembly, and in floods of letters and 
documents represented to. the secretary of state, that 
its members "had set up the people as the high 
court of American appeal ;" that " they claimed all 
the powers and privileges of parliament ;" that they 
"virtually assumed all the public money into their 
own hands, and issued it without warrant from the 
governor ;" that " they took to themselves the sole 
power of rewarding all services, and in effect, the 
nomination to all offices, by granting the salary an- 
nually, not to the office, but, by name, to the person 

1 Clinton to Shirley, 5 August, tober, and same to same, 30 October. 

1748; Shirley to Clinton, 13 Au- Clinton to Bedford, 22 November, 
gust; Clinton to Bedford, 15 Au- 2 Journals of K. Y. Assembly, 

gust ; same to same, 20 October, ii. 246. 

and same to same, 30 October. 3 Clinton to Bedford from the 

Clinton to Lords of Trade, 20 Oc- Draught. 


in the office" ; that the system, " if not speedily reme- 
died, would affect the dependency of the colonies on 
qI' the crown." 1 And he entreated the king to " make 
a good example for all America, by regulating the 
government of JSTew York." " Till then," he added, 
* " I cannot meet the Assembly, without danger of ex- 

posing the king's authority and myself to contempt." a 

Nov. Thus issue was joined with a view to involve the 

British parliament in the administration of the colo- 
nies, just at the time, when Bedford, as the secretary, 
was resolving to introduce uniformity into their ad- 
ministration by supporting the authority of the cen- 
tral government; and his character was a guarantee 
for resolute perseverance. " Considering the present 
situation of things," he had declared to Newcastle, 3 
" it would be highly improper to have an inefficient 
man at the head of the Board of Trade ;" and, at his 
suggestion, on the first day of November, 1748, two 
months after the peace of America and Europe had 
been ratified, the Earl of Halifax,* then just thirty-two 
years old, entered upon his long period of service as 
First Commissioner for the Plantations. He was 
fond of splendor, profuse, and in debt; passionate, 
overbearing, and self-willed ; " of moderate sense, and 
ignorant of the world." 4 Familiar with a feeble class 
of belles-lettres, he loved to declaim long passages 
from Prior ; 5 but his mind was not imbued with politi- 
cal theories, or invigorated by the lessons of a manly 
philosophy. As a public man, he was fond of autho- 

1 MS. Present state of the Pro- August, 1748. Bedford Corres. 
vince of N". Y. pondence, i. 441. 

2 Clinton to Bedford, 20 Octo- 4 Walpole's George II. 

ber, 1748. 5 Kichard Cumberland's Memoirs 

* Bedford to Newcastle, 11 of Himself. 


rity ; without sagacity, yet unwilling to defer to any CI * ap. 
one ; and not fearing application, lie preferred a post ■ — s — ' 
of business to a sinecure. To the imagination of the 1 ^ v 8, 
British people the American plantations appeared as 
boundless and inhospitable deserts, dangerous from 
savages and dismally wild : — Halifax beheld in them 
half a hemisphere subjected to his supervision ; and, 
glowing with ambition, he resolved to elevate himself 
by enlarging the dignity and power of his employment. 
For this end, unlike his predecessors, he devoted 
himself eagerly and zealously to the business of the 
plantations, confiding in his ability to master their 
affairs almost by intuition ; writing his own dispatches ; 
and, with the undoubting self-reliance of a presump- 
tuous novice, ready to advance fixed opinions and 
propose plans of action. 

The condition of the continent, whose affairs he 
was to superintend, seemed to invite and to urge his 
immediate and his utmost activity, to secure the pos- 
sessions of Great Britain against France, and to main- 
tain the authority of the central government against 
the colonies themselves. As he looked on the map of 
America, he saw the boundary line along the whole 
frontier rendered uncertain by the claims of France ; 
both nations desiring unlimited possessions ; — France, 
to bound British enterprise by the Penobscot or the 
Kennebeck, 1 and the Alleghanies ; England, to bring 
the continent under her flag, to supply the farthest 
wigwam from her workshops, to fill the wilderness 
with colonies that should trade only with their metro- 

As he read the papers which had accumulated in 

1 Galissonidre to Col. Mascarene,!* Jan., 1749. 
VOL. iv. 4 



the Board of Trade, and the dispatches which were 
^— y— ' constantly coming in, as fast as the crown officers in 
No ^' the colonies became aware of the change in the spirit 
of the administration, the affairs which he was to 
manage, seemed from the irresolution of his predeces- 
sors, to have become involved in universal confusion, 
tending to legislative independence and rebellion* 
" Here" wrote Glen, the governor of South Carolina, 
" levelling principles prevail ; the frame of the civil 
government is unhinged ; a governor, if he would be 
idolized, must betray his trust j 1 the people have got 
the whole administration in their hands ; the election 
of members to the assembly is by ballot ; not civil 
posts only, but all ecclesiastical preferments, are in the 
disposal or election of the people; to preserve the 
dependence of America in general, the Constitution 
must be new modelled." 2 

In North Carolina, no law for collecting quit-rents, 
had been perfected ; and its frugal people, whom their 
governor reported as " wild and barbarous," paid the 
servants of the crown scantily, and often left them in 

arrears. 3 

In Virginia, the land of light taxes and freedom 
from paper money, long famed for its loyalty, where 
the people had nearly doubled in twenty-one years, 
and a revenue, granted in perpetuity, with a fixed 
quit-rent, put aside the usual sources of colonial strife, 
the insurgent spirit of freedom invaded the royal 
authority in the Established Church; and in 1748, 
just as Sherlock, the new bishop of London, was inter- 
ceding with the king for an American episcopate, 

1 Glen to Bedford, 27 July, 1748, received 17 November. 
1748. 3 Gabrill Johnston to Bedford, 

8 Glen to Bedford, 10 October, without date. 


which Bedford and Halifax both favored as essential CI ^ P - 
to royal authority, Virginia, with the consent of • — . — ' 
Gooch, its lieutenant-governor, transferred by law 1 the j^f" 
patronage of all the hvings to the vestries. The act 
was included among the revised laws, and met with the 
king's approbation. 2 But from the time that its pur- 
pose was perceived, Sherlock became persuaded, that 
tt Virginia, formerly an orderly province, had nothing 
more at heart than to lessen the influence of the 
crown." 3 

Letters from Pennsylvania warned the ministers, 
that as the "obstinate, wrong-headed Assembly of 
Quakers " in that province " pretended not to be ac- 
countable to his Majesty or his government," they 
" might in time apply the public money to purposes 
injurious to the crown and the mother country." 

But nowhere did popular power seem to the 
royalists so deeply or dangerously seated as in New 
England, where every village was a little self-consti- 
tuted democracy, whose organization had received the 
sanction of law and the confirmation of the king. Espe- 
cially Boston, whose people had liberated its citizen 
mariners, when impressed by a British admiral in 
their harbor, was accused of "a rebellious insurrec- ' 
tion." " The chief cause," said Shirley, 4 " of the mob- 
bish turn of a town inhabited by twenty thousand 
persons, is its constitution, by which the management 
of it devolves on the populace, assembled in their 

With the Assembly which represented the towns 

' Hening's Statutes at large, vi. 3 Bishop of London to the Board 

SO. xxii. Geo. II., chap, xxxiv. § 7. of Trade. 

8 Dinwiddie to the Earl of Hoi- * Shirley to the Board of # Trade. 
dernesse, 5 June, 1753. 


chap. f Massachusetts the wary barrister declined a decided 
^- Y-«^ rupture. When, in November, the legislature of that 
^oy 8 ' P rovmce ? jealous from a true instinct, reduced his 
salary one third, on the plea of public distress, he 
answered plausibly, that the province had doubled its 
population within twenty years; had in that time 
organized within its limits five-and-twenty new towns ; 
and, at the close of the long war, was less in debt 
than at its beginning. But his hopes of suie emolu- 
ments rested in England, and were connected with the 
success of the applications from New- York. 

The same conspiracy against the colonies extended 
Dec. to New Jersey. In December, the council of that 
province likewise found it "their indispensable duty 
to represent to his Majesty the growing rebellion in 
their province." ! The conflict for lands in its eastern 
moiety, where Indian title deeds, confirmed by long 
occupation, were pleaded against claims derived from 
grants of an English king, led to confusion which the 
rules of the English law could not remedy. The 
people of whole counties could not be driven from 
their homesteads, or imprisoned in jails; Belcher, 2 
the temporizing governor, confessed that a he could 
not bring the delegates into measures for suppressing 
the wicked spirit of rebellion." The proprietors, who 
had purchased the long dormant claim to a large part 
of the province, made common cause with men in 
office, invoked British interposition, and accused their 
opponents of throwing off the king's authority and 
treasonably and boldly denying his title to New 

• James Alexander to 0. Oolden, 2 Belcher to the Board of Trade, 
8 January, 1749. Jan., 1749. 


Jersey. These appeals were to " tally with and accre- c ^ p ' 
dit the representation from New- York." 1 1748, 


Such was the aspect in which official records pre- 
sented America to the rash and inexperienced Hali- 
fax. Prom the first moment of his employment, he 
stood forth the busy champion of the royal authority ; 
and in December, 1748, his earliest official words of 
any import, promised " a very serious consideration 
on" what he called "the just prerogatives of the 
crown, and those defects of the constitution," which 
had " spread themselves over many of the plantations, 
and were destructive of all order and government," 2 
and he resolved on instantly effecting a thorough 
change, by the agency of parliament. While await- 
ing its meeting, the menaced encroachments of France 
urgently claimed his attention; and with equal 
promptness he determined to secure the possession of 
Nova Scotia and the Ohio valley. 1749 

The region beyond the Alleghanies had as yet no 
English settlement, except, perhaps, a few scattered 
cabins in Western Virginia. The Indians south of 
Lake Erie and in the Ohio valley were, in the recent 
war, friendly to the English, and were now united to 
Pennsylvania by a treaty of commerce. The traders, 
chiefly from Pennsylvania, who strolled from tribe to 
tribe, were without fixed places of abode, but drew 
many Indians over the lake to trade in skins and 
furs. The colony of New York, through the Six Na- 
tions, might command the Canadian passes to the 
Oliio valley ; the grant to William Penn actually in- 

0. Colden to Clinton, 12 Ja- * Letter of December, to Glen 

nnary, 1749. Compare too Ha- of South Carolina, 
milton's Speech to the Assembly of 
the Jerseys at Perth Amboy. 


C ^l P * c l U( led a part of it; but Virginia bounded its ancient 
' — <—> dominion only by Lake Erie. To secure Ohio for the 
1749 - English world, Lawrence Washington of Virginia, 
Augustus Washington, and their associates, proposed 
a colony beyond the Alleghanies. " The country 
west of the great mountains is the centre of the Bri- 
tish dominions," wrote Halifax and his colleagues, who 
were inflamed with the hope of recovering it by hav- 
ing a large tract settled; and the favor of Henry 
Pelham, with the renewed instance of the Board of 
Trade, 1 obtained in March, 1749, the king's instruc- 
tions to the governor of Virginia, to grant to John 
Hanbury and his associates in Maryland and Vir- 
ginia five hundred thousand acres of land between 
the Monongahela and the Kenawha, or on the north- 
ern margin of the Ohio. The company were to pay 
no quit-rent for ten years, within seven years to colo- 
nize at least one hundred families, to select imme- 
diately two-fiffchs of their territory, and at their own 
cost to build and garrison a fort. Thomas Lee, pre- 
sident of the Council of Virginia, and Robert Din- 
widdie, a native of Scotland, surveyor-general for the 
southern colonies, were among the shareholders. 

Aware of these designs, France anticipated Eng- 
land. Immediately, in 1749, La Galissioniere, whose 
patriotic mind revolved great designs of empire, and 
questioned futurity for the results of French power, 
population, and commerce in America, 2 sent De Celo- 
ron de Bienville, with three hundred men, to trace 
and occupy the valley of the Ohio, 8 and that of the 

1 Representation of the Board of s Memoire snr les Colonies de la 

Trade to the king. Coxe's Pelham France par M. de la Galissoniere, 

Administration, ii. 277, 278. Frank- N. Y. Paris Doc. x. 25. 

lin's Writings, iv. 336. Shelburne s Compare Shirley to Lords of 

to Fauquier, 8 Oct. 1767. Trade, 4 July, 1749. 



Saint Lawrence, as far as Detroit. On the southern c ^ p 
banks of the Ohio, opposite the point of an island, ' — ■ — 
and near the junction of a river, that officer buried, 
at the foot of a primeval red-oak, a plate of lead with 
the inscription, that, from the farthest ridge whence 
water trickled towards the Ohio, the country be- 
longed to France ; while the lilies of the Bourbons 
were nailed to a forest tree in token of possession. 1 
"I am going down the river," said he to Indians at 
Logstown, "to scourge home our children, the Mi- 
amis and the Wyandots ; " and he forbade all trading 
with the English. " The lands are ours," replied the 
Indians, and they claimed freedom of commerce. 
The French emissary proceeded to the towns of the 
Miamis, expelled the English traders, and by letter 
requested Hamilton, the governor of Pennsylvania, to 
prevent all farther intrusion. But the Indians brood- 
ed over the plates which he buried at the mouth of 
every remarkable creek. "We know," thus they 
murmured, " it is done to steal our country from us ; " 
and they resolved to " go to the Onondaga council " 
for protection. 2 

On the northeast, the well informed La Galisso- 
niere took advantage of the gentle and unsuspecting 
character of the Acadians themselves, and of the 
doubt that existed respecting occupancy and ancient 
titles. In 1710, when Port Royal, now Annapolis, 
was vacated, the fort near the mouth of the St. John's 
remained to France. The English had no settlement 
on that river; and though they had, on appeal to 
their tribunals, exercised some sort of jurisdiction, it 

1 Proces Verbal, E". Y. Paris 2 Croghan's MS. Account of his 
Doc. x. 9. Transactions, &c. &c. 


ce [ap. had not been clearly recognised by the few inhabit- 
<— , — • ants, and had always been denied by the French gov- 
1749. ernment. It began to be insinuated, 1 that the ceded 
Acadia was but a part of the peninsula lying upon 
the sea between Cape Fourches and Cape Canso, and 
that therefore the descendants of the French still 
owed allegiance to France. The Abbe La Loutre, 
missionary and curate of Messagouche, now Fort 
Lawrence, which is within the peninsula, favored this 
representation with alacrity; and, sure of influence 
over his people and his associate priests, he formed 
the plan, with the aid of La Galissoniere and the 
court of France, to entice the Acadians from their 
ancient dwelling-places, and plant them on the fron- 
tier as a barrier against the English. 2 

But even before the peace, Shirley, who always 
advocated the most extended boundary of Nova Sco- 
tia, represented to George the Second, that the in- 
habitants near the isthmus, being French and Catho- 
lic, should be removed into some other of his Majes- 
ty's colonies, and that Protestant settlers should 
occupy their lands. 8 From this atrocious proposal, 
Newcastle, who was cruel only from frivolity, did not 
withhold his approbation; but Bedford, his more 
humane successor, restricting his plans of colonization 
to the undisputed British territory, sought to secure 
the entire obedience of the French inhabitants by in- 
termixing with them colonists of English descent. 4 

1 La Galissoniere to Col. Masca- • 8 Shirley's Memoirs of the Last 
rene, 15 January, 1749.' War, 77, 75. 

2 Memoires %ur les Affaires era 4 Bedford to the Duke of Cum- 
Canada, depuis 1749, jusqu'a 1760, berland, 28 Oct., 1748. 


The execution of this design, which the Duke of C ^£ P " 
Cumberland, Pelham, and Henry Fox assisted in — > — ' 
maturing, devolved on Halifax. Invitations went 
through Europe to invite Protestants from the conti- 
nent to emigrate to the British colonies. The Mora- 
vian -brethren 1 were attracted by the promise of ex- 
emption from oaths awl military service. The good- 
will of New England was encouraged by care for its 
fisheries ; and American whalemen, stimulated by 
the promise of enjoying an equal bounty 2 with the 
British, learned to follow their game among the ice- 
bergs of the Greenland seas. But the main burden 
of securing Nova Scotia fell on the British treasury. 
While the General Court of Massachusetts, 8 through 
their agent in England, sought to prevent the French 
from possessing any harbor whatever in the Bay of 
Fundy, or west of it on the Atlantic, proposals were 
made, in March, 1749, to disbanded officers and sol- 
diers and marines, to accept and occupy lands in 
Acadia ; and before the end of June, more than four- 
teen hundred persons, 4 under the auspices of the 
British parliament, were conducted by Colonel 
Edward Cornwallis, a brother of Lord Cornwallis, 
into Chebucto harbor. There, on a cold and sterile 
soil, covered to the water's edge with one continued 
forest of spruce and pine, whose thick underwood 
and gloomy shade hid rocks and the rudest wilds, 
with no clear spot to be seen or heard of, rose the 
first town of English origin east of the Penobscot. 5 

1 22 Geo. II., c. xxx. 4 Lords of Trade to Cornwallis, 

8 22 George II., c. xlv. 15 May, 1749. 

8 Instructions to Massachusetts s Hon. Col. Cornwallis to Lords 
Agent, 26 June, 1749. of Trade, 22 June, 1749, and 20 

August, 1749. 


chap. ~Fmm the minister whose promptness, vigilance, and 
^^ spirit gave efficiency to the enterprise, it took the 
74 9# name of Halifax. Before winter three hundred houses 
were covered in. 1 At Minas, now Lower Hort.on, a 
blockhouse was raised, and fortified by a trench and 
a palisade; a fort at Pesaquid, now Windsor, pro- 
tected the communications with Halifax. These, 
with Annapolis on the Bay of Fundy, secured the 

The ancient inhabitants had/ in 17 30, taken an 
oath of fidelity and submission to the English king, 
as sovereign of Acadia, and were promised indul- 
gence in "the true exercise of their religion, and 
exemption from bearing arms against the French or 
Indians." They were known as the French Neutrals. 
Their hearts were still with France, and their reli- 
gion made them a part of the diocese of Quebec. 
Of a sudden it was proclaimed to their deputies 2 con- 
vened at Halifax, that English commissioners would 
repair to their villages, and tender to them, uncondi- 
tionally, 3 the oath of allegiance. They could not 
pledge themselves before Heaven to join in war 
against the land of their origin and their love ; andj 
in a letter signed by a thousand of their men, they 
pleaded rather for leave to sell their lands and effects, 
and abandon the peninsula for new homes, which 
France would provide. 4 But Cornwallis would offer 
no option but between unconditional allegiance and 
the confiscation of all. their property. " It is for me," 

1 Cornwallis to the Board of 3 Ordonnance of Cornwallis, &o. 
Trade, October, 1749. &c., 1 August, 1749. 

2 Minutes of Council of Nova 4 Letter of the French Inhabi- 
Scotia, 14 July, 1749. tants to Cornwallis, 7 Sept., 1749. 


said he, "to command and to be obeyed 7 '; 1 and lie CI J£ P - 
looked to the Board of Trade for further instructions. 2 ■ — . — 

With the Micmac Indians, who, at the instigation 1749, 
of La Loutre, 3 the missionary, united with other tribes 
to harass the infant settlements, the English gover- 
nor dealt still more summarily. " The land on which 
you sleep is mine :" ^uch was the message of the im- 
placable tribe ; 4 " I sprung out of it as the grass does ; 
I was born on it from sire to son ; it is mine forever." 
So the council at Halifax 5 voted all the poor Red 
Men that dwelt in the peninsula 6 to be "so many ban- 
ditti, ruffians, or rebels ;" and by its authority Corn- 
wallis, " to bring the rascals to reason," 7 offered for 
every one of them " taken or killed" ten guineas, to 
be paid on producing the savage or " his scalp." 8 But 
the source of this disorder was the undefined state of 
possession between the European competitors for 
North America. 

Meantime, La Galissoniere, having surrendered 
his government to the more pacific La Jonquiere, re- 
paired to France, to be employed on the commission 
for adjusting the American boundaries. La Jonquiere, 
saw the imminent danger of a new war, and like 
Bedford would have shunned hostilities; but his in- 
structions from the French ministry, although they 
did not require advances beyond the isthmus, com- 

1 Answer of the Governor in 5 Resolutions of Council, Hali- 
Oouncil to the French Inhabitants, fax, 1 October, 1749. 

7 September, 1749. 6 " These Micmacks include the 

2 Cornwallis to the Board of Cape Sable, St. John's Island, Cape 
Trade, 11 September, 1749. Breton and all inhabiting the pe- 

8 " One Leutre, a French Priest." ninsula." Cornwallis to the Board 

Board of Trade to Bedford, 16 Oc- of Trade. 

tober, 1749. " De Lutre, a priest." 7 Cornwallis to the Board of 

Cornwallis. Trade, 17 October, 1749. 

4 Micmac Indians to Governor 8 Proclamation against the Mio- 

Cornwallis, 23 September, 1749. mac Indians, 2 October, 1749. 




palled Mm to attempt confining the English within 
the peninsula of Acadia. 1 

Thus, while France, with the unity of a despotic 
central power, was employing all its strength in Cana- 
da to make good its claims to an extended frontier, 
Halifax signalized his coming in4o office by planting 
Protestant emigrants in Nova Scotia, as a barrier 
against encroachments on the North East, and by 
granting lands for a Virginia colony on both banks of 
the Ohio, in order to take possession of the valley of 
the Mississippi. With still greater impetuosity he 
rushed precipitately towards an arbitrary solution of 
all the accumulated difficulties in the administration of 
the colonies. 

Long experience having proved that American 
assemblies insisted on the right of deliberating freely 
on all subjects respecting which it was competent for 
them to legislate, the Board of Trade, so soon as Hal- 
ifax had become its head, revived and earnestly pro- 
moted the scheme of strengthening the authority of 
the prerogative by a general act of the British par- 
liament. At its instance, on the third day of 
March, 2 1749, under the pretext of suppressing the* 
flagrant evils of colonial paper-money, the disappoint- 
ed Horatio Walpole, who, for nearly thirty years, 3 had 

1 La Jonquiere to Cornwallis, Treasury and applied to any other 

25 October, 1749. Cornwallis to use than what it was designed for 

La Jonquiere, 1 November, 1749. by the Assembly that granted it, 

John H. Lydius to Cornwallis, 1 except for a perquisite which the 

December, 1749. Abbe Maillard King's Auditor of his revenue 

to Gerard Beaubassin, 3 May, 1749. claimed ; and you know, sir, what 

8 Commons' Journals, xxv. 246. influence the governors were under 

3 " I have been near thirty years at that time to make them do this." 

in the Council of this Province, * * Horatio Walpole, the Auditor, was 

and, in all that time, I do not re- brother to Sir Robert Walpole. 

member that any public money was MS. Letter to Governor Shirley 

drawn by any governor from the from New York, July 1749. 



vainly struggled, as auditor-general of the colonies, to CH I ^ P - 
gain a sinecure allowance of five per cent, on all colo- 
nial revenues, reported a bill to overrule charters, and 
to make all orders by the king, or under his authority, 
the highest law of America. 

Such a coalition of power seemed in harmony 
with that legislative supremacy, which was esteemed 
the great whig doctrine of the revolution of 1683 ; it 
also had the semblance of an earlier precedent. In 
the reign of Henry the Eighth, parliament sanctioned 
" what a king, by his royal power, might do," l and 
gave the energy of law to his proclamations and or- 
dinances. In this it did but surrender the liberties of 
its own constituents : Halifax and his board invited 
the British parliament to sequester the liberties of 
other communities, and transfer them to the British 

The people of Connecticut, 2 through their agent, 
Eliakim Palmer, protested against a the unusual and 
extraordinary" attempt, " so repugnant to the laws 
and constitution" of Great Britain, and to their own 
" inestimable privileges" and charter, " of being gov- 
erned by laws of their own making." By their birth- 
right, by the perils of their ancestors, by the sanctity 
of royal faith, by their own affectionate duty and 
zeal, by their devotion of their lives and fortunes to 
their king and country, they remonstrated against the 
bill. Pennsylvania and Bhode Island pleaded their 
patents, and reminded parliament of the tribute al- 
ready levied on them by the monopoly of their cora- 

1 31 Hen. Vin. c. viii. Com- 2 Journal of Commons, xxv. 

pare 1 Ed. VI., c. xii., Hallam's 793. 
Constitutional Hist, of England, i. 


VOL. IV. 5 



inerce. For Massachusetts, William Bollan, through 
" the very good-natured Lord Baltimore," represented, 
that the bill virtually included all future orders of all 
future princes, however repugnant they might be to 
the constitution of Great Britain, or of the colonies ; 
thus abrogating for the people of Massachusetts their 
common rights as Englishmen, not less than their 
charter privileges The agent of South Carolina cau- 
tiously intimated, that, as obedience to instructions 
was already due from the governors, whose commis- 
sions depended on the royal pleasure, the deliberative 
rights of the assemblies were the only colonial safe- 
guard against unlimited authority. 1 

" Venerating the British constitution, as establish- 
ed at the Bevolution," Onslow, the speaker of the 
House of Commons, believed that parliament had 
power to tax America, but not to delegate that 
power; and, by his order, the objections to the pro- 
posed measure were spread at length on the journal. 2 
The Board of Trade wavered, and in April consented, 
reluctantly, "to drop for the present, and reserve," 
the despotic clauses ; 3 but it continued to cherish the 
spirit that dictated them, till it had driven the colo- 
nies to independence, and had itself ceased to exist. 

At the same time Massachusetts was removing 
every motive to interfere with its currency by abol- 
ishing its paper money. That province had demanded, 
as a right, the reimbursement of its expenses for the 
capture of Louisburg. Its claim, as of right, was 
denied; for its people, it was said, were the subjects, 

1 Commons' Journal, xxv., 793, 3 Bollan, the Massachusetts 
794, 813, 814, 815, 818. agent, to Secretary Willard, 

2 MS. Memoirs of Bollan's Ser- April, 1749. 


and not the allies of England ; owing allegiance, and c ^ p * 
not entitled to subsidies. The requisite appropriation v — v — - 
was made by the equity of parliament; yet Pelham 49, 
himself, the prime minister, declared that the grant 
was a boon. Massachusetts had already, in January, 
1749 by the urgency of Hutchinson, voted, that its 
public notes should be redeemed with the expected 
remittances from the royal exchequer. Twice in the 
preceding year, it had invited a convention of the 
neighboring colonies, to suppress jointly the fatal 
paper-currency ; but finding concert impossible, it pro- 
ceeded alone. As the bills had depreciated, and were 
no longer in the hands of the first holders, it was in- 
sisted, that to redeem them at their original value 
would impose a new tax on the first holders them- 
selves; and therefore forty-five shillings of the old 
tenor, or eleven shillings and threepence of the new 
emission, were, with the approbation of the king in 
council, redeemed by a Spanish milled dollar. Thus 
Massachusetts became the " hard-money colony" of the 
North. 1 

The plan for enforcing all royal orders in Amer- 
ica by the act of the British parliament had hardly 
been abandoned, when the loyalty and vigilance of 
Massachusetts were perverted to further the intrigues 
against its liberty. In April, 1749, its Assembly, 
which always held that Nova Scotia included all the 
continent east of New England, represented to the 
king " the insolent intrusions" of France on their ter- 
ritory, advised that "the neighboring provinces 
should be informed of the common danger," and 

1 Hutchinson's Correspondence. Hutchinson's Hist. ii. Felt's Mas- 
sachusetts Currency. 


begged " that no breach might be made in any of the 
territories of the crown on the" American "conti- 
9 * nent." It was on occasion of transmitting this ad- 
dress, that Shirley developed his system. To the 
Duke of Bedford 1 he recommended the erecting and 
garrisoning of frontier "fortresses, under the direction 
of the king's engineers and officers." " A tax for 
their maintenance," he urged, " should be laid by par- 
liament upon the colonies, without which it will not 
be done." From the prosperous condition of Amer- 
ica, he argued, that " making the British subjects on 
this continent contribute towards their common secu- 
rity could not be thought laying a burden ;" and he 
cited the Acts of Trade and the duty laid on foreign 
sugars imported into the northern colonies, as prece- 
dents that established the reasonableness of his pro- 

Shirley's associates in New York were equally 
persevering. The seventh day of May, 1749, brought 
to them " the agreeable news, that all went flowingly 
on" 2 as they had desired. Knowing that Bedford, 
Dorset, and Halifax had espoused their cause, they 
convened the legislature. But it was in vain. "The 
faithful representatives of the people," thus spoke the 
Assembly of New York in July, " can never recede 
from the method of an annual support." " I know 
well," rejoined the governor, " the present sentiments 
of his Majesty's ministers; and you might have 
guessed at them by the bill lately brought into par- 

1 Shirley to the Duke of Bed- ingly on ; Assembly to be reproved 
ford, 24 April, 1749, and 18 Feb. and dissolved ; the new minister, 
1748-9. viz. : Duke Bedford, Duke Dorset, 

2 J. Ayscough, Clinton's pri- Lord Halifax, &c, presenting a 
vate secretary, to Colden, 9 May, memorial to his Majesty in favor 
1749. " Catherwood sends us the of his Excellency," &c. &c. 
agreeable news, that all goes flow- 


liament for enforcing the king's instructions. Con- chap. 
sider," he adds, "'the great liberties you are indulged — , — - 
with. Consider, likewise, what may be the conse- 1749 - 
quences, should our mother country suspect that you 
design to lessen the prerogative of the crown in the 
plantations. The Eomans did not allow the same 
privileges to their colonies, which the other citizens 
enjoyed ; and you know in what manner the republic 
of Holland governs her colonies. Endeavor, then, to 
show your great thankfulness for the great privileges 
you enjoy." 

The representatives 1 adhered unanimously to their 
resolutions, pleading that "governors are generally 
entire strangers to the people they are sent to govern; 

they seldom regard the welfare of the people, 

otherwise than as they can make it subservient to 
their own particular interest ; and, as they know the 
time of their continuance in their governments to be 
Uncertain, all methods are used, and all engines set to 
work, to raise estates to themselves. Should the pub- 
he moneys be left to their disposition, what can be 
expected but the grossest misapplication, under va- 
rious pretences, which will never be wanting ?" To 
this unanimity the governor could only oppose his de- 
termination of "most earnestly" invoking the atten- 
tion of the ministry and the king to " their proceed- 
ings;" and then prorogued the Assembly, which he 
afterwards dissolved. 

To make the appeal to the ministry more effective, 
Shirley, who had obtained leave to go to England, 
and whose success in every point was believed to be 

1 Journals of the New-York Assembly, ii. 267, 269. 


chap, most certain, 1 before embarking received from Colden 

• — , — ■ an elaborate argument, in which" revenue to the 

1749. crown5 independent of the American people, was 

urged as indispensable ; and to obtain it, " the most 

prudent method," it was insisted, "would be by 

.application to parliament." 2 

But before Shirley arrived in Europe, the ministry 
was already won to his designs. On the first day of 
June, the Board of Trade had been recruited by 
a young man gifted with " a thousand talents," 3 the 
daring and indefatigable Charles Townshend. A 
younger son of Lord Townshend, ambitious, capable 
of unwearied labor, bold, and somewhat extravagant 
in his style of eloquence, yet surpassed, as a debater, 
only by Murray and Pitt, he was introduced to office 
through the commission for the colonies. His extra- 
ordinary and restless ability rapidly obtained sway at 
the board ; Halifax cherished him as a favorite, and 
the parliament very soon looked up to him as u the 
greatest master of American affairs." 

How to regulate charters and colonial govern- 
ments, and provide an American civil list indepen- 
dent of American legislatures, was the earliest as 
well as the latest political problem which Charles 
Townshend attempted to solve. At that time, Mur- 
ray, as crown lawyer, ruled the cabinet on questions 
of legal right ; Dorset, the father of Lord George 
Germain, was president of the Council ; Lyttelton 
and George Grenville were already of the Treasury 
Board ; and Sandwich, raised by his hold on the 
affections of the Duke of Bedford, presided at the 

1 Clinton to Colden, 6 Novem- 3 " Of a thousand talents." This 
ber, 1749. praise came from David Hume. 

9 Colden to Shirley, 25 July, 


Admiralty ; Halifax, Charles Townshend, and their c ^ p * 
colleagues, were busy with remodelling American con- < — . — 
stitutions ; while Bedford, the head of the new party 1 
that was in a few years to drive the more liberal 
branch of the whig aristocracy from power, as Secre- 
tary of State for the Southern Department, was the 
organ of communication between the Board of Trade 
and the crown. . 

These are the men who proposed to reconcile the 
discrepancy between the legal pretensions of the 
metropolis and the actual condition of the colonies. 
In vain did they resolve to shape America at will, 
and fashion it into new modes of being. The infant 
republics were not like blocks of marble from the 
quarry, which the artist may group by his design, 
and gradually transform by the chisel from shapeless 
masses to the images of his fancy; they resembled 
living plants, whose inward energies obey the Divine 
idea without effort or consciousness of will, and 
unfold simultaneously their whole existence and the 
rudiments of all their parts, harmonious, beautiful 
and complete in every period of their growth. 1 

These British American colonies were the best tro- 
phy of modern civilization ; on them, for the next forty 
years, rests the chief interest in the history of man. 2 

1 Bacon de Augmentis Scienti- parit et producit: eodem modo, 

arum. Lib. vii, cap. ii. Quemad- etc., etc. Lord Bolingbroke, in his 

modum enim Statuarius, quando Idea of a Patriot King, translates 

simulacrum aliquod sculpit aut in- the words of the great master : 

cidit, illius solummodo partis figu- u Nature throws out altogether and 

ram emngit,circa quam manus occu- at once the whole system of every 

\ >ata est, non autem cseterarum, being, and the rudiments of all the 

(yeluti si faciem efformet, corpus parts." 

reliquum rude permanet et informe 8 John Adams's Works, v. 405. 

saxum, donee ad illud quoque per- " The history of the American Re- 

venerit) e contra vero natura, volution is indeed the history of 

quando florem molitur, aut animal, mankind during that epoch." 
rudimenta partium omnium simul 





chap. The world had never witnessed colonies with in- 
^^is stitutions so free as those of America ; but this result 
1749. did not spring from the intention of England. On 
y * the twelfth of July, 1749, all the ministers of state as- 
sembled at the Board of Trade, and deliberated, from 
seven in the evening till one the next morning, 1 on the 
political aspect of the plantations. The opinions of 
Sir Dudley Rider and William Murray were before 
them. They agreed, that "all accounts concurred in 
representing New Jersey as in a state of disobe- 
dience to law and government, attended with circum- 
stances which manifested a disposition to revolt from 

dependence on the crown While the governor 

was so absolutely dependent on the Assembly, order 
could not possibly be restored." And they avowed it 
as their " fundamental " rule of American government, 
that the colonial officers of the king should have 
"some appointment from home." Such was "their 

1 Letter from the Solicitor, F. J. Paris, in James Alexander to C. 
Colden, 25 Sept., 1749. 


fixed maxim and principle." l The English ministry 
viewed it as a narrow question, relating to a subordi- 
nate branch of executive administration; America 1 49 
knew that it involved for the world all hope of estab- 
lish ing the power of the people. 

The agents of the American royalists continued 
indefatigable in their solicitations. They had the con- 
fidential advice of Murray, 2 who instructed them how 
best to increase their influence with the ministry. To 
this end they also fomented a jealous fear of "the 
levelling principles which had ci*ept into New York 
and New Jersey," and which were believed to prevail 
in New England and Pennsylvania. "Drink Lord 
Halifax in a bumper," were the words of Clinton, as 
he read his letters from England; "though I durst 
say," he added, "the rest are as hearty." Especially 
the Duke of Bedford, on the first day of November, 
gave assurances to Clinton, 3 that the affairs of the 
colonies would be taken into consideration, and that 
he might rely on receiving all proper assistance and 
vigorous support in maintaining the king's delegated 
authority. The secretary was in earnest, and for the 
rest of his life remained true to his promise, not 
knowing that he was the dupe of the profligate 
cupidity of worthless officers. 

In a document designed for the eye of Halifax, 
Colden hastened to confirm the purpose. Of popular 
power "the increase in the northern colonies was im- 

1 Report of Facts agreed on by Sharpes, for they were by far the 
the Board of Trade 26 July, best hands one could be in for inter- 
1 749, in F. J. Paris to James Alex- est with the ministry." Letter of 
ander, 26 July, 1749. Board of Gov. Clinton of 9 Feb., 1749. 
Trade to Gov. Belcher, of New 3 Bedford to Clinton, 1 Novem- 
Jersey, 28 July, 1749. ber, 1749. Clinton to Colden, 

2 " Solicitor Murray advised Mr. 5 Feb., 1749-50. 
Catherwood not to leave the 


C ?u. P ' measurable." Eoyalty would have in New York but 
■ — 'ps* u the outward appearance " of authority, till a gover- 
1749. nor an( j " proper judges " should receive "independent 
salaries." u I do not imagine," he wrote in November, 
1749, "that any assembly will be induced to give up 
the power, of which they are all so fond, by granting 
duties for any number of years. The authority of 
parliament must be made use of, and the duties on 
wine and West India commodities be made general 
for all North America." " The ministry," he added, 
" are not aware of the number of men in North Ame- 
rica able to bear arms, and daily in the use of them. 
It becomes necessary that the colonies be early looked 
into, in time of peace, and regulated." l - As a source 
of revenue, William Douglas in Boston, a Scottish 
physician, publicly proposed " a stamp duty upon all 
instruments used in law affairs." 2 But the suggestion 
had nothing of novelty. In 1728, Sir William. Keith 
had advised extending, "by act of parliament, the 
duties upon parchment and stamps, to America," 8 and 
eleven years later the advice had been repeated by 
merchants in London, with solicitations 4 that won for 
the proposition the consideration of the ministry. 

Thus had the future colonial policy of England 
been shadowed forth to statesmen, who were very 
willing to adopt it. Morris, the chief justice of New 
Jersey, 5 interested in lands in that province, and 
trained by his father to a hatred of popular power, 
was much listened to ; and the indefatigable Shirley 

1 Compare Clinton to Bedford, 4 Proposals for establishing by 

17 Oct., 1749. Same to Lords Act of Parliament the duties upon 

of Trade, same date. Stamp Paper and Parchment in all 

8 Douglas : Historical and Politi- the British American colonies. 

cal Summary, i. 259. 5 Gov. Belcher to Partridge, 15 

8 Sir Wm. Keith's Remarks on Nov., 1750. 
the most Rational Means, &c, &c. 



not quite successful with the more reasonable Pelham, CI I I ^ P ' 
became the eulogist and principal adviser of Cumber- 
land, of Bedford, and of Halifax. Should Massachu- 
setts reduce his emoluments, he openly threatened to 
appeal to "an episcopal interest, and make himself 
iu dependent of the Assembly for any future support." 1 

The menace to Massachusetts was unseasonable. 
The public mind in that province, and most of all in 
Boston, was earnestly inquiring into the active powers 
of man, to deduce from them the right to uncontrolled 
inquiry, as the only security against religious and civil 
bondage. Of that cause the champion was Jonathan 
Mayhew, offspring of purest ancestors, nurtured by the 
ocean's-side, " sanctified " from childhood, a pupil of 
New England's Cambridge. " Instructed in youth," 
thus he spoke of himself, " in the doctrines of civil 
liberty, as they were taught by such men as Plato, 
Demosthenes, Cicero, and others among the ancients, 
and such as Sidney and Milton, Locke and Hoadley, 
among the moderns, I liked them ; and having learned 
from the Holy Scriptures, that wise, brave, and vir- 
tuous men were always friends to liberty, that God 
gave the Israelites a king in his anger, because they 
had not sense and virtue enough to like a free com- 
mon wealth, and that where the Spirit of the Lord is, 
there is liberty, this made me conclude that freedom 
is a great blessing." 2 From early life, Mayhew took 
to his heart the right of private judgment, clinging to 
it as to his religion. Truth and justice he revered as 
realities which every human being had capacity to 
discern. The duty of each individual to inquire and 

1 Shirley to Secretary Willard, 2 Sermon of Maykew's, printed 
29 Nov., 1749. in 1766. 


C iii P ' J u dge ne deduced from tlie constitution of man, and 
^— > — ' held to be as universal as reason itself. At once be- 
' coming revolutionary, he scoffed at receiving opinions 
because our forefathers had embraced them ; and 
pushing the principle of Protestantism to its universal 
expression, he sent forth the American mind to do its 
work, disburdened of prejudices. The ocean which it 
had crossed had broken the trail of tradition, and it 
was now to find its own paths and make for itself a 
new existence, with not even its footsteps behind it, 
and nothing before it but its own futurity. 
l750< In January, 1750, the still youthful Mayhew, him- 
self a declared " volunteer " in the service, instinc- 
tively alarmed at the menaced encroachments of power, 
summoned every lover of truth and of mankind to 
bear a part in the defensive war against a tyranny 
and priestcraft." }. He reproved the impious bargain 
a between the sceptre and the surplice." He preached 
resistance to " the first small beginnings of civil tyr- 
anny, lest it should swell to a torrent and deluge 
empires." " The doctrines," he cried, " of the divine 
right of kings and non-resistance are as fabulous and 
chimerical as the most absurd reveries of ancient or 
modern visionaries." " If those who bear the title of 
civil rulers do not perform the duty of civil rulers, — 
if they injure and oppress, — they have not the least 
pretence to be honored or obeyed. If the common 
safety and utility would not be promoted by submis- 
sion to the government, there is no motive for sub- 
mission ;" disobedience becomes " lawful and glorious/' 
< — " not a crime, but a duty." 

Such were the "litanies of nations" 2 that burst 

1 Sermons of Mayhew, preached 8 Ralph Waldo Emerson's Poems, 
and printed in 1750. The Problem. 



from the boldest and most fervid heart in New Eng- CI 1 I ^ P - 
land, and were addressed to the multitude from the ^^ 
pulpit and through the press. Boston received the 1750< 
doctrine, and its ablest citizens delighted in the friend- 
ship of the eloquent teacher. 

The words of Mayhew were uttered at a time 
when "the plantations engaged the whole thoughts 
of the men in power,' 1 who were persuaded that all 
America was struggling to achieve a perfect legisla- 
tive independence, and that New Jersey at least was 
in a state of rebellion. At a great council in Febru- 
ary, 1750, the Board of Trade 1 was commanded to 
propose such measures as would restore and establish 
the prerogative in its utmost extent throughout 
the colonies. "Bedford, 2 the Lords of Trade, the 
Privy Council," — all, had American affairs "much 
at heart," and resolved to give ease to colonial gover- 
nors and " their successors for ever." The plea for 
the interposition of the supreme legislature was found 
in the apprehension that a separate empire was form- 
ing. " Fools," said the elder proprietary, Penn, " are 
always telling their fears that the colonies will set up 
for themselves ;" 3 and their alarm was increased by 
Franklin's plan of an Academy at Philadelphia. 
Fresh importunities succeeded each other from Amer- 
ica ; and when Bedford sent assurances of his purpose 
to support the royal authority, he was referred by the 
crown officers of New York to the papers in the 
office of the Board of Trade, relating to Hunter, who, 

1 R. H. Morris of New Jersey to 2 Earl of Lincoln to Clinton, 12 
the Governor of New York, 12 February, 1750. 
February, 1750. 3 Thomas Penn to James Hamil- 

ton, 12 February, 1750. 

VOL. iv. 6 



C nL P * f rom IT 10 to 1714, had struggled in that province for 
the prerogative. Under the sanction of that prece- 
dent, Clinton 1 urged, in March, that "it was abso- 
lutely necessary to check the insolence of faction by a 
powerful interposition;" and he advised imposts on 
wine and West India produce. "These, if granted 
by parliament, would be sufficient for supporting the 
civil list. If made general over all the colonies, they 
could be in no shape prejudicial to trade." 2 He in- 
sisted, that the proposition contained its own evidence 
of being for the service of the king. "This pro- 
vince," he repeated, in April, 3 " by its example, great- 
ly affects all the other colonies. Parliament, on a 
true representation of the state of the plantations, 
must think it their duty to make the royal officers less 
dependent on the assemblies, which may be easily 
done by granting to the king the same duties and im- 
posts, that, in the plantations, are usually granted 
from year to year." 

But neither the blunt decision of Bedford, nor the 
arrogant self-reliance of Halifax, nor the restless ac- 
tivity of Charles Townshend, could, of a sudden, 
sway the system of England in a new direction, or 
overcome the usages and policy of more than a half 
century. But new developments were easily given to 
the commercial and restrictive system. That the col- 
onies might be filled with slaves, who should neither 
trouble Great Britain with fears of encouraging poli- 
tical independence, nor compete in their industry with 
British workshops, nor leave their employers the en- 
tire security that might prepare a revolt, liberty to 

1 Clinton to Bedford, 19 March, 3 Clinton to Lords of Trade, 3 
1750. April, 175, and same to Bedford, 9 

8 Same to same, 26 March, 1750. April. 


trade 1 — saddest concession of freedom — to and from c ^ p - 
any part of Africa, between Sallee, in South Barbaiy, ^—r^ 
and the Cape of Good Hope, was, in 1750, extended 1750 ' 
to all the subjects of the king of England. But for 
the labor of free men new shackles were devised. 

America abounded in iron ore ; its un wrought iron 
was excluded by a duty from the English market ; 
and its people were rapidly gaining skill at the fur- 
nace and the forge. In February, 2 1750, the subject 
engaged the attention of the House of Commons. 
To check the danger of American rivalry, Charles 
Townshend was placed at the head of a committee, 
on which Horatio Walpole, senior, and Robert Nu- 
gent, afterwards Lord Clare, — a man of talents, yet 
not free from "bombast and absurdities," 3 — were 
among the associates. After a few days' deliberation, 
he brought in a bill which permitted American iron, 
in its rudest forms, to be imported duty free ; but now 
that the nailers in the colonies could afford spikes 
and large nails cheaper than the English, it forbade 
the smiths of America to erect any mill for slitting 
or rolling iron, or any plating forge to work with 
a tilt-hammer, or any furnace for making steel. 
" The restriction," said Penn, " is of most dangerous 
consequence to prevent our making what we want 
for our own use. . . . . It is an attack on the rights of 
the king's subjects in America." 4 William Bollan, 
the agent of Massachusetts, pleaded its inconsistency 
with the natural rights of the colonists. 5 But while 
England applauded the restriction, its owners of iron 

1 23 Geo. II. c. xxxi. § 1. 4 Douglas: Historical" and Politi- 

8 Journals of Commons, xxv., cal Summary, ii., 109. 

979, 986, 993. 5 W. Bollan to the Speaker of 

3 Walpole's Memoirs of Geo. II., the Massachusetts Assembly, 5 

i, 171, and Letters. April, 1750. 




mines grudged to America a share of the market for 
— . — ' the rough material ; the tanners, from the threatened 
inaction of the English furnaces, feared a diminished 
supply of bark ; the clergy and gentry foreboded in- 
jury to the price of woodlands. 1 The importation of 
bar iron from the colonies was therefore limited to 
the port of London, which already had its supply 
from abroad. The ironmongers and smiths of Bir* 
mingham thought well of importing bars of iron 
free, but, from " compassion" to the " many thou- 
sand families in the kingdom" who otherwise " must 
be ruined," they prayed that " the American people" 
might be subject not to the proposed restrictions only, 
but to such others " as may secure for ever the trade 
to this country." Some would have admitted the 
raw material from no colony where its minute manu- 
facture was carried on; The House even divided 
on the proposal, that every shtting-mill in America 
should be demolished ; and the clause failed only by 
a majority of twenty-two. But an immecjiate return 
was required of every mill already existing, and the 
number was never to be increased. 2 There was no 
hope that this prohibition would ever be repealed. 3 

England did not know the indignation thus awak- 
ened in the villages of America. Yet the royalist, 
Kennedy, a member of the Council of New York, 
and an advocate for parliamentary taxation, publicly 
urged on the ministry, 4 that " liberty and encourage- 

1 Journals of Commons, xxv., 4 A. Kennedy's Observations on 
1053, 1091, 1096. the Importance of the Northern 

8 23 Geo. II., c. xxix. Colonies, 1750. 

3 Thomas Penn to James Hamil- 
ton, 1 May, 1750. 


men! are the basis of colonies." "To supply ourselves," CI ^f- 
he urged, "with manufactures is practicable; and ^ — • 
where people in such circumstances are numerous 
and free, they will push what they think is for their 
interest, and all restraining laws will be thought op- 
pression, especially such laws as, according to the 
conceptions we have of English liberty, they have 
no hand in controverting or making. . . They cannot 
be kept dependent by keeping them poor;" and 
he quoted to the ministry the counsel of Trenchard, 1 
that the way to keep them from weaning them- 
selves was to keep it out of their will. But the 
mother country was more and more inclined to rely on 
measures of restraint and power. It began to be con- 
sidered, that the guard-ships were stationed in the colo- 
nies not so much for their defence, as to preserve them 
in their dependence and prevent their illicit trade. 2 

In the same year Turgot, then but three-and- 
twenty years of age, one day to be a minister of 
France, and a friend to the United States, then prior 
of Sorbonne, mingled with zeal for Christianity the 
enthusiasm of youthful hope, as he contemplated the 
destiny of the western world. "Vast regions of 
America !" he exclaimed, in the presence of the assem- 
bled clergy of France, just twenty-six years to a day 
before the Declaration of Independence, "Equality 
keeps from them both luxury and want; and pre- 
serves to them purity and simplicity with freedom. . 
Europe herself will find there the perfection of her po- 
litical societies, and the surest support of her well- 

1 Trenchard in Cato's Letters, s Memorial from New York to 
1722. the Admiralty, 1750. 


chap, being." l " Colonies," added the young philosopher, 15 
v_^_ " are like fruits, which cling to the tree only till they 
175 a, ripen ; as soon as America can take care of itself, it 
will do what Carthage did." For a season, America 
must have patience ; England's colonial policy was 
destroying itself. The same motive which prevailed 
to restrain colonial commerce and pursuits urged Eng- 
land to encroach on the possessions of France, that 
the future inhabitants of still larger regions might fall 
under English rule and become subservient to English 
industry. In the mercantile system lay the seeds of a 
war with France for territory, and, ultimately, of the 
union and independence of America. 

But the attempt to establish that system of 
government, which must have provoked immediate 
resistance, was delayed by jealousies and divisions in 
the cabinet. "Dear Brother," Pelham used to say 
to Newcastle, " I must beg of you not to fret your- 
self so much upon every occasion." 3 But the Duke 
grew more and more petulant, and more impatient of 
rivalry. " It goes to my heart," said he, " that a new, 
unknown, factious young party is set up to rival me 
and nose me every where ;" 4 and he resolved to drive 
out of the administration the colleague whom he dis- 
liked, envied and feared. For it always holds true, 
that Heaven plants division in the councils of the 
enemies of freedom. Selfishness breeds as many fac- 
• tions as there are clashing interests; nothing unites 

1 Discours de Turgot, Prieur 2 Second Discours. (Euvres de 

de Sorbonne, prononce le 3 Juillet, Turgot, ii. 602. Ce que fera ua 

1750, in (Euvres de Turgot, ii. 591, jour l'Amerique. 
592. L'Europe elle-meme y trou- 3 Pelham to Newcastle, in 

vera la perfection de ses societes Coxe, i. 460. 
politiques, et le plus ferme appui de 4 Newcastle to Pelham, May 9- 

ea felicite. 20. Coxe, ii. 336. 


indissolubly, but that love of man which truth and c ^ ? * 
justice and the love of all good can alone inspire. 


The affairs of Nova Scotia, of which Newcastle 
was ignorant, served at least his purposes of intrigue. 1 
The French saw with extreme anxiety the settlement 
at Halifax. To counteract its influence, a large force 
under the command of the recklessly sanguinary par- 
tisan, La Corne, had through the winter held posses- 
sion of the isthmus of the peninsula ; and found shel- 
ter among the Acadians south of the Messagouche, in 
the town of Chiegnecto, or Beaubassin, now Fort Law- 
rence. The inhabitants of that village, although it 
lay beyond the limits which La Corne was instructed 
to defend, were compelled to take the oaths of alle- 
giance to the French king ; 2 and in the name of three 
chiefs of the Micmac Indians, 3 orders had been sent to 
the Acadians of the remoter settlements, to renounce 
subjection to England, and take refuge with the 

Cornwallis, who had received the first notice of 
the movement from La Jonquiere himself, 4 desired 
immediately to recover the town. He sought aid 
from the Massachusetts ; 5 but only received for answer, 
that, by the constitution of that province, the assem- 
bly must first be convinced of the necessity of raising 
supplies ; 6 that to insure cooperation, compulsory mea- 

1 Illustrative Correspondence. March, 1750. Read at the Board, 

Newcastle to Pelham. 3 May, 1750. 

* Cornwallis to Bedford, 19 4 Cornwallis to Lords of Trade, 

March, 1750. 7 Dec. 1749. 

3 Orders of Three Indian Chiefs 5 Cornwallis to Lords of Trade, 
to the Inhabitants of Pesiquid, 30 April, 1750. 
Mines, &c. &c, inclosed in Corn- 6 Lieut. Gov. Phips to Corn- 
wallis to the Lords of Trade, 19 wallis. Boston, 20 Feb. 1750. 


C ^ P - snres must be adopted by 'the British government to 

■ — -#**> wards all the colonies. 

1750. jj e wag therefore able to send from Halifax no 
more than a party of four hundred men, who, just 
at sunset on the twentieth of April, arrived not far 
from the town at the entrance of what is now called 
Cumberland Basin. The next day the transports 
sailed near the harbor ; the flag of the Bourbons was 
raised on the dikes to the north of the Messagouche f 
while, to the south of it, the priest La Loutre himself 
set fire to the church in Chiegnecto, and its reluctant, 
despairing inhabitants, torn by conflicting passions, 
attached to their homes which stood on some of the 
most fertile land 2 in the world, yet bound to France 
by their religion and their oaths, consumed their 
houses to ashes, and escaped across the river which 
marks the limit of the peninsula. 3 

On Sunday, the twenty-second, Lawrence, the 
English commander, having landed north of the Mes- 
sagouche, had an interview with La Corne, who 
avowed his purpose, under instructions from La Jon- 
quiere, to defend 4 at all hazards, and keep possession 
of every post as far as the river Messagouche, till the 
boundaries between the two countries should be set- 
tled by commissaries. 

La Corne held a strong position, and had under 
his command Indians, Canadians, regular troops, and 
Acadian refugees, to the number, it was thought, of 
twenty-five hundred. The English officer was, there- 
fore, compelled for his safety to embark, on the very 

1 Journal of Lawrence. 3 Memoires, 8. 

8 Cornwallis to the Lords of 4 Cornwallis to Bedford, 1 May, 
Trade, 10 July, 1750. 1750. 



day on which he landed/ leaving the French in un- CI 1 I I ^ P * 
disturbed possession of the isthmus. 

A swift vessel was dispatched expressly from 
Halifax to inform the government, that La Corne and 
La Loutre held possession of the isthmus, that a town 
which was within the acknowledged British limits, 
had been set on fire; that its inhabitants had 
crossed over to the French side ; that the refugees, 
able to bear arms, were organized as a military force ; 
that the French Acadians, remaining within the penin- 
sula, were rebels at heart, and unanimously wished to 
abandon it rather than take the oath of allegiance to 
the English king; that the savages were incited to 
inroads and threats of a general massacre; that the 
war was continued on the part of the French by all 
open and secret means of violence and treason. 2 At 
the same time the governments of New Hampshire 
and the Massachusetts Bay were informed of "the 
audacious proceedings " of the French, and invited to 
join in punishing La Corne as " a public incendiary." 8 

The New England colonies received the news 
without any disposition to undertake dislodging the 
French. In England the Earl of Halifax insisted 4 
effectually that prompt support should be sent to the 
colony, of which the settlement was due to his zeal. 
Authority had already 5 been given to disarm the 
Acadians; new settlers were now collected to be 
transported at the public expense, 6 and an Irish regi- 

1 Cornwallis to the Lords of 4 Lords of Trade to Bedford, 4 
Trade, 30 Sept. 1750. June, 1750. 

2 Cornwallis to Lords of Trade, 5 Lords of Trade to Cornwallis, 
30 April, and same to Bedford, 1 16 February, 1750. 
May, 1750. 6 Lords of Trade to Cornwallis, 

3 Cornwallis to Lientenant-Gov- 8 June, 1750. 
ernor Phips at Boston, 3 May, 1750. 


C hj # p# ment was sent over with orders, that Chiegnecto 
' — r— ' should be taken, fortified, and if possible, colonized by 
protestants. 1 Yet a marked difference of opinion 
existed between the Lords of Trade and their supe- 
rior. Bedford was honorably inclined to a pacific 
adjustment with France ; but Halifax was led by his 
pride and his ambition to disregard all risks of war ; 
and becoming impatient at his subordinate position, 
he already " heartily hated " 2 his patron, and coveted 
a seat in the cabinet with exclusive authority in the 
department, with all the impetuous ardor of inexpe- 
rienced ambition. 

Newcastle was sure to seize the occasion to side 
with Halifax. " Act with vigor," said he to his 
brother, " and support our right to the extended boun- 
dary of Nova Scotia. If you do, you may run a risk 
of a war with France ; that risk is to be run." 3 But 
"the great object" that filled his thoughts and dis- 
turbed his rest, was the dismissal of Bedford. Even 
the more cautious Pelham began to complain of the 
secretary's " boyishness " and inattention to business ; 4 
the king's mistress, who had thought Bedford too im- 
portant a person to be trifled with, was soothed into a 
willingness to have him discarded. "His office is a 
sinecure," said the king, who missed the pedantry of 
forms ; " he receives his pay easily ;" and to Newcastle 
he added, " you, your brother and Hardwicke are the 
only ministers." 5 It seemed as if Halifax would at 
once obtain the seals of the Southern Department with 

1 Lords of Trade to Cornwallis, 4 Pelham to Newcastle, 25 Juty 

14 June, 1750. —5 August, 1750. Coxe ii. 365. 

a Pelham to Newcastle in Coxe's 5 Newcastle to Pelham, 12-23 

Pelham Ad. ii. 378. August, 1750, and Coxe's Pelham 

8 Newcastle to Pelham, 9-20 Ad. ii. 129. 
June, 1750. Coxe ii. 345. 



the entire charge of the colonies. " Halifax," wrote §tf ' 
Pelham, who favored his advancement, " amongst the 
young ones, has the most efficient talents." 1 " He 
would be more approved by the public," thought 
Hardwicke, " than either Holdernesse or Waldegrave." 
" He is the last man, except Sandwich, I should think 
of for secretary of state," exclaimed Newcastle. " He 
is so conceited of his parts, he would not be in the 
cabinet one month without thinking he knew as much 
or more of business than any one man. He is imprac- 
ticable ; the most odious man in the kingdom. 

A man of his life, spirit, and temper, will think 

he knows better than any body." Newcastle would 
have none of " that young fry." But above all, he 
would be rid of Bedford. " I am, I must be an errant 
cipher of the worst sort," said he in his distress, " if 
the Duke of Bedford remains coupled with me as sec- 
retary of state." To get rid of Bedford was still to 
him " the great point," a the great point of all," 2 more 
than the designation of the next emperor of Ger- 
many, and more than a war with the Bourbons. 

The two dukes remained at variance, leaving Corn- 
walhs to " get the better in Nova Scotia without pre- 
vious concert with France." 8 In August a second 
expedition left Halifax to take possession of Chiegnecto. 
It succeeded, but not without loss of life. Indians 
and Acadian refugees, aided, perhaps, by French in 
disguise, altogether very few in number, had in- 
trenched themselves strongly behind the dikes, and 
opposed their landing. Nor were they dislodged 

1 Pelham to Newcastle, 24 Aug. 3 Pelham to Newcastle in Coxe 
—4 Sept., 1750. ii. 344. 

2 Newcastle to Hardwicke, 8-19 
Sept. 17, 1750. 


C in P * without an intrepid assault, in which the English had 
^~r— ' six killed and twelve wounded. 1 Thus was blood first 
shed after the peace of Aix la Chapelle. Fort Lawrence 
was now built on the south of the Messagouche, but 
the French had already fortified their position on the 
opposite bank at Fort Beau Sejour as well as at Bay 
Verte. Having posts also at the mouth of the St. 
John's River and the alliance of the neighboring In- 
dians, they held the continent from Bay Verte to the 
borders of the Penobscot. 

Such was the state of occupancy, when, in Septem- 
ber, at Paris, Shirley, who had been placed at the head 
of the British Commission, presented a memorial, 
claiming for the English all the land east of the Pe- 
nobscot and south of the St. Lawrence, as constituting 
the ancient Acadia. 2 The claim, in its full latitude, 
by the law of nations, was preposterous ; by a candid 
interpretation of treaties, was untenable. France 
never had designed to cede, and had never ceded, to 
England, the southern bank of the St. Lawrence, nor 
any country north of the forty-sixth parallel of lati- 
tude. In their reply to the British claim, the French 
commissaries, in like manner disregarding the ob- 
vious construction of treaties, narrowed Acadia to the 
strip of land on the Atlantic, between Cape St. Mary 
and Cape Canseau. 8 

There existed in France statesmen who thought 
Canada itself an incumbrance, difficult to be defended, 
entailing expenses more than benefits. But La Galis- 
soniere 4 pleaded to the ministry, that honor, glory, 

1 Cornwallis to Lords of Trade. explanatory Memorial, 16 Novem- 

2 Memorials of the English Com- ber, 1750. 

raissaries, 21 Sept., 1750. * La Galissoniere : Memoire snr 

8 Memorial of the French Com- les Colonies de la France, Decem- 
missaries, 21 September, and an ber, 1750. 


and religion forbade the abandonment of faithful and c ^f p * 
affectionate colonists, and the renunciation of the — » — ; 
great work of converting the infidels of the wilder- 175 °- 
ness ; that Detroit was the natural centre of a bound- 
less inland commerce ; that the country of Illinois was 
in a delightful climate, an open prairie, waiting for 
the plough ; that, considering the want of maritime 
strength, Canada and Louisiana were the bulwarks of 
France in America against English ambition. De 
Puysieux, the French minister for foreign affairs, like 
the English Secretary, Bedford, was earnestly desi- 
rous of avoiding war ; but a fresh collision in America 
touched the sense of honor of the French nation, and 
made negotiation hopeless. 

A French brigantine with a schooner, laden with 
provisions and warlike stores, and bound from Quebec 
to the river St. John's, was met by Rous in the 
British ship of war Albany off Cape Sable. He fired 
a gun to bring her to ; she kept on her course : he 
fired another and a third ; and the brigantine prepar- 
ed for action. The English instantly poured into her 
a broadside and a volley of small arms ; and after a 
short action compelled her to strike. The Albany 
had a midshipman and two mariners killed; the 
French lost five men. The brigantine was taken to 
Halifax, and condemned in the Admiralty Court. 1 
On the side of France, indignation knew no bounds ; 
it seemed that its flag had been insulted ; its mari- 
time rights disregarded; its men wantonly slain in 
time of peace ; its property piratically seized and con- 
fiscated. There was less willingness to yield an ex- 
tended boundary. 

1 Cornwallis to Lords of Trade, 27 November, 1750. 

VOL. IV. 7 




The territory which, is now Vermont was equally 
in dispute. New York carried its limits to the Con- 
necticut River, as a part of its jurisdiction ; France, 
which alone had command of Lake Champlain, ex- 
tended her pretensions to the crest of the Green 
Mountains; while Wentworth, the only royal gov- 
ernor in New England, began to convey the soil 
between the Connecticut and Lake Champlain by 
grants under the seal of New Hampshire. 

A deeper interest hung over the valley of the 
Ohio. What language shall be the mother tongue 
of its future millions ? What race, the Romanic or 
the Teutonic, shall form the seed of its people ? The 
Six Nations expressed alarm for their friends and 
allies on the Ohio, against whom the French were 
making preparations, and asked what reliance they 
might place on the protection of New York. After 
concert with the governor of Pennsylvania, Clinton, 
in September, 1750, appealed to the Assembly for 
means to confirm their Indian alliances, and to assist 
Pennsylvania " in securing the fidelity of the Indians 
on Ohio River." L The Assembly refused; and the 
Onondagas, whose chief was a professed Roman 
Catholic, whose castles contained a hundred neo- 
phytes, whose warriors glittered in brave apparel 
from France, scoffed with one another at the parsimo- 
nious colonists. 2 

The tendency of the Americans themselves towards 
union, and the desire on the part of England to con- 
centrate its power over the colonies by the aid of 

1 Journals of New York Assem- Hazard's Register of Pennsylvania, 
bly, i. 283, 284. iv. 222. 

8 Letter of Conrad Weisser, in 



the authority of the British parliament, were alike C nf p 
developed in connection with the necessity of resist- 
ing encroachments on the side of Canada. The unity 
of the French system of administration promised suc- 
cess by ensuring obedience to " one council and one 
voice." ' To counteract their designs effectually along 
the whole frontier, the best minds in New York, and 
in other provinces, 'were busy in devising methods 
for, "uniting the colonies on the main;" for, unless 
this were done, Ohio would be lost. Of all the 
Southern provinces, South Carolina was most ready 
to join with the rest of the continent. 2 Doubting 
whether union could be effected "without an im- 
mediate application to his Majesty for that purpose," 
the Council of New York, after mature and re- 
peated deliberation on Indian affairs, still determined, 
that the governor " should write to all the governors 
upon the continent, 3 that have Indian nations in their 
alliance, to invite commissioners from their respective 
governments" to meet the savage chiefs at Albany. 
But, from what Clinton called " the penurious 4 tem- 
per of American assemblies," this invitation was not 
generally accepted, 5 though it forms one important 
step in the progress of America towards union. 

While Pennsylvania, in strife with its proprietaries, 
neglected its western frontier, the Ohio Company 
of Virginia, profiting by the intelligence of Indian 
hunters, 6 who had followed every stream to its head- 

1 Clinton to Governor of Penn- Ayscongh, Fort George, 11 Decem- 

sylvania, 8 October, 1750. ber, 1750. Clinton to Governor 

8 Letters of Glen, Governor of of Pennsylvania, 19 June, 1751, &c. 

South Carolina, to Clinton, and of 4 Clinton to the Board of Trade. 

Clinton to Glen, July — December, 5 Belcher of New Jersey to Clin- 

1750, in the Few York London ton, 18 April, 1751. Belcher's 

Documents, xxx. Letter Books, vii. 78, 79, 117. 

8 Letter of Clinton's Secretary, 6 Washington's Writings, ii. 302. 




spring and crossed every gap in the mountain ranges, 
discovered the path by Will's Creek to the Ohio. 
Their stores of goods, in 1750, were carried no far- 
ther than that creek. There they were sold to 
traders, who, with rivals from Pennsylvania, pene- 
trated the West as far as the Miamis. 

To search out and discover the lands westward 
of " the Great Mountains," the ©hio Company ■ sum- 
moned the adventurous Christopher Grist from his 
frontier home on the Yadkin. He was instructed 
to examine the Western country as far as the Falls 
of the Ohio, to look for a large tract of good level 
land, to mark the passes in the mountains, to trace 
the courses of the rivers, to count the falls, to observe* 
the strength and numbers of the Indian nations. 

On the last day of October, 2 the bold messenger 
of civilization parted from the Potomac. He passed 
through snows over "the stony and broken land" 
of the Alleghanies ; he halted among the twenty 
Delaware families that composed Shanoppin's town 
on the southeast side of the Ohio ; swimming his 
horses across the river, he descended through the 
rich but narrow valley to Logstown. " You are 
come," said the jealous people, " to settle the In- 
dians' lands: you never shall go home safe." Yet 
they respected him as a messenger from the English 
king. From the Great Beaver Creek he crossed to 
the Muskingum, killing deer and wild turkeys. On 
Elk's Eye Creek he found a village of- the Ottawas, 
friends to the French. The hundred families of Wy- 

1 Instructions of the Ohio Com- Thomas Pownall, in the Appendix 

pany to Christopher Gist, 11 Sep- to Thomas Pownall's Topographi- 

tember, 1750. cal Description of North America, 
2 Journals of Gist, printed by 



andots or Little Mingoes at Muskingum were divided ; 
one half adhering to the English. George Croghan, • — <— 
the emissary from Pennsylvania, was already there ; l 
and traders came with the news, that two of his peo- 
ple were taken by a party of French and Indians, and 
carried to the new fort at Sandusky. " Come and 
live with us," said the Wyandots to Gist; "bring 
great guns and make a fort. If the French claim 
the branches of the Lakes, those of the Ohio be- 
long to us and our brothers, the English." When 
they heard that still another English trader had 
been taken, they would have killed three French 
deserters for revenge. In January, 1751, after a 1753 
delay of more than a month, the Wyandots held a 
council at Muskingum; but while they welcomed 
the English agents, and accepted their strings of 
wampum, they deferred their decision to a general 
council of their several nations. Leaving the Wy- 
andots, and crossing at White Woman's Creek, where 
had long stood the home of a weary New England 
captive, the agent of Virginia reached the last town of • 
the Delawares, five miles above the mouth of the 
Scioto. These, like the others of their tribe, who 
counted in all five hundred warriors, promised good- 
will and love to the English. 

Just below the mouth of the Scioto lay the houses 
of the Shawnees, on each side of the Ohio. Their 
room of state was on the north side, in length ninety 
feet, roofed with bark. They gratefully adhered to 
the English, who had averted from them the wrath of 
the Six Nations. 

From the Shawnee town the envoys of the Eng- 

' Croghan's MS. Journals, in New York London Documents, 
xxxiv, 16. 





lish world crossed the Little Miami, and journeyed 
in February towards the Miami River ; first of white 
men on record, they saw that the land beyond the 
Scioto, except the first twenty miles, is rich and level, 
bearing walnut trees of huge size, the maple, the wild 
cherry, and the ash ; full of little streams and rivu- 
lets ; variegated by beautiful natural prairies, covered 
with wild rye, blue grass and white clover. Turkeys 
abounded, and deer and elks, and most sorts of game ; 
of buffaloes, thirty or forty were frequently seen 
feeding in one meadow. " Nothing," they cried, " is 
wanting but cultivation to make this a most delightful 
country." ! Their horses swam over the swollen cur- 
rent of the Great t Miami; on a raft of logs they 
transported their goods and saddles; outside of the 
town of the Picqualennees, the warriors came forth 
with the peace-pipe, to smoke with them the sacred 
welcome. They entered the village with the English 
colors, were received as guests into the king's house, 
and planted the red cross upon its roof. 

The Miamis were the most powerful confederacy 
of the West, excelling the Six Nations, with whom 
they were in amity. Each tribe had its own chief; 
of whom one, at that time the chief of the Pianke- 
shaws, was chosen indifferently to rule the whole na- 
tion. They formerly dwelt on the Wabash, but, for 
the sake of trading with the English, drew nearer the 
East. Their influence reached to the Mississippi, and 
they received frequent visits from tribes beyond that 
river. The town of Picqua' contained about four hun- 
dred families, and was one of the strongest in that 
part of the continent. 

1 Gist's Journal in Pownall's Appendix, 11. 


On the night of the arrival of the envoys from c f I f p * 
Virginia and Pennsylvania, 1 two strings of wampum, i — ■ — ' 
given at the Long House of the villages, removed 1751 * 
trouble from their hearts and cleared their eyes ; and 
four other belts confirmed the message from the 
Wy an dots and Delawares, commending the English 
to their care. 

In the days that followed, the traders' men helped 
the men of Picqua repair their fort ; and distributed 
clothes and paint, that they might array themselves 
for the council. When it was told that deputies from 
the Wawiachtas, or, as we call them, Weas, and from 
the Piankeshaws, were coming, deputies from the 
Picquas went forth to meet them. The English were 
summoned to the Long House, to sit for a quarter of 
an hour in the silence of expectation, when two from 
each tribe, commissioned by their nations to bring 
the Long Pipe, entered with their message and their 

On the twenty-first day of February, after a dis- 
tribution of presents, articles of peace and alliance 
were drawn up between the English of Pennsylvania 
on the one side, and the Weas and Piankeshaws on 
the other ; were signed and sealed in duplicate, and - 
delivered on both sides. All the friendly tribes of 
the West were also to meet the next summer at 
Logstown, for a general treaty with Virginia. 2 

The indentures had just been exchanged, 3 when 
four Ottawas drew near with a present from the 
governor of Canada, were admitted at once to the 

1 De la Jonquiere to Clinton, 2 Croghan's Journal of Trans- 

it) Aug. 1751. actions, &c. 

8 Gist in Pownall, 12, 13. 


C m. P ' counc il> an d desired a renewal of friendship with their 
• — . — ' fathers, the French. 1 The king of the Piankeshaws, 
setting up the English colors in the council, as well 
as the French, rose and replied : " The path to the 
French is bloody, and was made so by them. We 
have cleared a road for our brothers, the English, 
and your fathers have made it foul, and have taken 
some of our brothers prisoners." They had taken 
three at the Huron village, near Detroit, and one on 
the Wabash. "This," added the king, "we look 
upon as done to us;" and turning suddenly from 
them, he strode out of the council. At this, the 
representative of the French, an Ottawa, wept and 
howled, predicting sorrow for the Miamis. 

To the English the Weas and Piankeshaws, after 
deliberation, sent a speech by the great orator of 
the Weas. "'You have taken us by the hand," were 
his words, " into the great chain of friendship. There- 
fore we present you with these two bundles of skins, 
to make shoes for your people, and this pipe to smoke 
in, to assure you our hearts are good towards you, 
our brothers." 

In the presence of the Ottawa ambassadors, the 
great war-chief of Picqua stood up, and summoning in 
imagination the French to be present, he spoke : 

" Fathers ! you have desired we should go home 
to you, but I tell you it is not our home ; for we have 
made a path to the sun-rising, and have been taken 
by the hand by our brothers, the English, the Six 
Nations, the Delawares, the Shawnees, and the Wy- 
andots ; and we assure you, in that road we will go. 

1 Compare Des Essais d'Eta- 8 De la Jonquiere to the French 

blissements des Anglais k la Belle Minister, 17 October, 1751. 
Riviere. 22 Sept. 1751. 


And as you threaten us with war in the spring, we C n^ p# 
tell you, if you are angry, we are ready to receive v — r— 
you, and resolve to die here, before we will go to 
you. That you may know this is our mind, we send 
you this string of black wampum. 

"Brothers, the Ottawas, you hear what I say; 
tell that, to your fathers, the French ; for that is our 
mind, and we speak it from our hearts." 

The French colors are taken down ; the Ottawas 
are dismissed to the French fort at Sandusky. The 
Long House, late the senate-chamber of the United ■ 
Miamis, rings with the music and the riotous motions 
of the feather-dance. Now a war-chief strikes a 
post : the music and the dancers, on the instant, are 
hushed to silent listeners ; the brave recounts his 
deeds in war, and proves the greatness of his mind 
by throwing presents lavishly to the musicians and 
the dancers. Then once more the turmoil of joy is 
renewed, till another warrior rises to boast his prow- 
ess, and scatter gifts in his turn. 

Thus February came to an end. On the first 
day of March,' Gist took his leave. The Miamis, re- 
solving never to give heed to the words of the 
French, sent beyond the Alleghanies this message: 
" Our friendship shall stand like the loftiest mountain." 

The agent of the Ohio Company gazed with rap- 
ture on the valley of the Great Miami, a the finest 
meadows that can be." He was told, that the land 
was not less fertile to the very head-springs of the 
river, and west to the Wabash. He descended to the 
Ohio by way of the Little Miami, still finding many 
u clear fields," where herds of forty or fifty buffaloes 
were feeding together on the wonderfully tall grasses. 




He checked Ms perilous course, when within fifteen 
miles of the falls at Louisville ; and taking with him, 
as a trophy, the tooth of a mammoth, then a novel 
wonder, he passed up the valley of the Kentucky 
River, and through a continuous ledge of almost in- 
accessible hills and rocks and laurel thickets, found a 
path to the Bluestone. He paused on his way, to 
climb what is now called " The Hawk's Nest," whence 
he could " see the Kenhawa burst through the next 
high mountain f and having proposed the union, and 
appointed at Logstown a meeting of the Mingoes, the 
Delawares, the Wyandots, the Shawnees, and the 
Miami nations, with the English, he returned to his 
employers by way of the Yadkin and the Roanoke. 

In April, 1751, Croghan again repaired to the 
Ohio Indians. The half-king, as the chief of the 
mixed tribe on the branches of the Ohio was called 
in token of his subordination to the Iroquois confed- 
eracy, reported, that the news of the expedition under 
Celoron had swayed the Onondaga council to allow 
the English to establish a trading-house ; and a belt 
of wampum, prepared with due solemnity, invited 
Hamilton, of Pennsylvania, to build a fort at the 
forks of Monongahela. 1 

1 Croghan's Journal of his Transactions. 



1751— 1753. 

The thoughts of the British ministry were so chap. 
engrossed by intrigues at home, as to give but little _,_ 
heed to the glorious country beyond the Alleghanies. 1761. 
Having failed in the attempt to subject all the colo- 
nies by act of parliament to all future orders of the 
king, the Lords of Trade sought to gain the same end 
in detail. Rhode Island, a charter government, of 
which the laws were valid without the assent of the 
king, continued to emit paper currency, 1 and the more 
freely, because Massachusetts had withdrawn its notes 
and returned to hard money. 2 In 1742, twenty-eight 
shillings of Rhode Island currency would have pur- 
chased an ounce of silver ; seven years afterwards, it 
required sixty shillings; compared with sterling 
money, the depreciation was as ten and a half or eleven 
to one. This was pleaded as the justification of the 
Board of Trade, who, in March, 1751, presented a 
bill to restrain bills of credit in New England, with 
an additional clause giving the authority of law to the 

1 Potter's Rhode Island Cur- 2 J. B. Felt's Massachusetts Cur- 
rency, 12. rency, 133, 134. 



c3 |af. king's instructions on that subject. 1 In " the dan- 
gerous precedent," Bollan, the agent for Massachusetts, 
discerned the latent purpose of introducing by de- 
grees the same authority to control other articles. 
He argued, moreover, that " the province had a natu- 
ral and lawful right to make use of its credit for its 
defence and preservation." 2 New York also urged 
" the benefit of a paper credit." Before the bill was 
engrossed, the obnoxious clause was abandoned. 8 
Yet there seemed to exist in the minds of " some per- 
sons of consequence," a fixed design of getting a par- 
liamentary sanction of some kind or other to the 
king's instructions; and the scheme was conducted 
with great perseverance and art. 4 

Meantime, parliament, by its sovereign act, on the 
motion of Lord Chesterfield, changed the commence- 
ment of the year, and regulated the calendar for all 
the British dominions. As the earth and the moon, 
in their annual rounds, differed by eleven days from 
the English reckoning of time, and would not delay 
their return, the legislature of a Protestant kingdom, 
after centuries of obstinacy, submitted to be taught by 
the heavens, and conquering a prejudice, adopted the 
calendar as amended by a pope of Borne. 

The Board of Trade was all the while maturing 
its scheme for an American civil list. 5 The royal pre- 

1 Journal of the Commons, xxvi. 5 Eepresentation of the Board 
65, 119, 120, 187, 206, 265. of Trade upon the State of New 

2 Compare Lind on Acts relating York, 2 April, 1751, in N. Y. Lon- 
to the Colonies, 238. don Doc. xxx. 5. Compare also 

8 24 Geo. II. c. liii. order of the Privy Council of 6 

4 Bollan, agent for the Massa- August, 1751, and the justificatory 

chusetts Bay to the Speaker of its Representation of the Lords of 

Assembly, 7 March, 12 April, 12 Trade, 4 April, 1754. London 

July, 1751. Doc. xxxi. 39. 



rogative was still the main-spring in their system. c ^v. P * 
With Bedford's approbation, 1 they advised the ap- 
pointment of a new governor for New York, with a 
stiicter commission and instructions ; the New York 
legislature should be ordered to grant a permanent 
revenue, to be disbursed by royal officers, and suffi- 
cient for Indian presents, as well as for the civil list. 
At the same time, it was resolved to obtain an Amer- 
ican revenue by acts of parliament. 2 The excessive 
discriminating duties in favor of the British West 
Indies, "given and granted" in 1733, on the pro- 
ducts of the Foreign West India Islands, imported 
into the continental colonies, were prohibitory 
in their character, and had never been collected. 
England, which thought itself able to make such a 
grant, to be levied in ports of a thinly inhabited con- 
tinent, could never give effect to the statute ; and did 
but discipline America to dispute its supreme author- 
ity. The trade continued to be pursued with no 
more than an appearance of disguise ; and Newcastle, 
who had escaped from the solicitations and importuni- 
ties of the British West Indians by conceding the 
law, had also avoided the reproaches of the colonists 
by never enforcing it. 

This forbearance is, in part, also, to be ascribed to 
the moderation of character of Sir Robert Walpole. 
He rejected the proposition for a colonial stamp-tax, 
being content with the tribute to British wealth from 
colonial commerce ; and he held that the American 
evasions of the acts of trade, by enriching the colo- 
nies, did but benefit England, which was their final 
mart. The policy was generous and safe ; but can a 

1 Thos. Penn to Gov. Hamilton, 2 MSS. of William Bollan. 
SO March, 1751. 

VOL. iv. 8 



minister excuse his own acts of despotic legislation by 
his neglect to enforce them ? The administration of 
Sir Bobert Walpole had left English statutes and 
American practice more at variance than ever. "Woe 
to the British statesman who should hold it a duty 
to enforce the British laws ! 

In 1740, Ashley, a well informed writer, had pro- 
posed to establish a fund by such " an abatement of 
the duty on molasses imported into the northern col- 
onies," 1 as would make it cease to be prohibitory. 
"Whether this duty," he added, "should be one, 
two, or three pence sterling money of Great Britain 
per gallon, may be matter of consideration." The 
time was come when it was resolved to discard the 
policy of Walpole. Opinions were changing on the 
subject of a stamp-tax ; and the Board of Trade, in 
1751, entered definitively on the policy of regulating 
trade, so as to uproot illicit traffic and obtain an 
American revenue. 2 To this end, they fostered the 
jealous dispute between the continental colonies and 
the favored British West Indian Islands ; that, under 
the guise of lenity, they might lower the disregarded 
prohibitory duties, and enrich the exchequer by the 
collection of more moderate imposts. 

But the perfidious jealousy with which the Duke 
of Newcastle plotted against his colleague, the Duke 
of Bedford, delayed for the present the decisive inter- 
position of parliament in the government of America. 
Besides, Halifax with his Board was equally at 

2 John Ashley's Memoirs and colonies more beneficial to Great 

Considerations concerning the Britain. 

Trade, &c, of the British colonies, 8 Bollan's Sketch of his Sery ices, 
with proposals for rendering those 


variance with his superior. The former was eager to 
foster the settlement of Nova Scotia at every hazard ; 
Bedford desired to be frugal of the public money, 
and was also honestly inclined to maintain peace with 
France. The governor of that colony 1 had writ- 
ten impatiently for ships of war ; and Halifax in the 
most earnest and elaborate official papers had sec- 
onded his entreaties f but Bedford was dissatisfied at 
the vastness of the sums lavished on the new planta- 
tion, and was, moreover, fixed in the purpose of leav- 
ing to the pending negotiation an opportunity of suc- 
cess. He was supported by the Admiralty, at which 
Sandwich was his friend ; while Newcastle, with his 
timorous brother, enforced the opinion of Halifax. 
The intrigue in the cabinet had come to maturity. 
Bedford's neglect of the forms of office had vexed the 
Mng ; his independence of character had paid no de- 
ference to the king's mistress. Sandwich was dismissed 
from the Admiralty. Admitted in June to an audi- 
ence at court, Bedford inveighed long and vehe- 
mently against his treacherous colleague, and re- 
signed. 3 His successor was the Earl of Holdernesse, 
a very courtly peer, proud of his rank, formal, and of 
talents which could not excite Newcastle's jealousy, 
or alarm America for its liberties. The disappointed 
Halifax, not yet admitted to the cabinet, was con- 
soled by obtaining a promise, that the whole patron- 
age and correspondence of the colonies should be 
vested in his Board. The increase of their powers 
might invigorate their schemes for regulating Ameri- 
ca ; for which, however, no energetic system of admin- 

1 Cornwallis to Lords of Trade, Bedford, 16 Jan. and 7 March, 1751. 
30 Sept. and 27 Nov., 1750. 3 Hardwicke in Coxe's Pelham 

2 Halifax and Lords of Trade to Administration, ii. 189. 







chap, istration could be adopted, without the aid of the 
.^w new party of which Bedford was the head. 

During the progress of these changes, the colonies 
were left to plan their own protection. But every 
body shunned the charge of securing the valley of the 
Ohio. Of the Virginia Company the means were 
limited. The Assembly of Pennsylvania, from mo- 
tives of economy, refused to ratify the treaty which 
Croghan had negotiated at Picqua, while the propri- 
etaries * of that province openly denied their liability 
"to contribute to Indian or any other expenses;" 2 
and sought to cast the burden of a Western fort on 
the equally reluctant " people of Virginia." New 
York could but remonstrate with the governor of 
Canada. 3 

The deputies of the Six Nations were the first to 
manifest zeal. At the appointed time in July, they 
came down to Albany to renew their covenant chain ; 
and to chide the inaction of the English, which was 
certain to leave the wilderness to France. 

When the congress, which Clinton had invited to 
meet the Iroquois, assembled at Albany, South Caroli- 
na came also, 4 for the first time, to join in coun- 
cil with New York, Connecticut, and Massachu- 
setts, — - its earliest movement towards confederation. 
From the Catawbas, also, hereditary foes to the Six 
Nations, deputies attended to hush the war-song 
that for so many generations had lured their chiefs 

1 Thomas Penn to Governor 4 Drayton's South Carolina, 91 
Hamilton, 25 February, 1751. and 239. Clinton to Bedford, 17 

2 Hamilton's Message to the July, 1751, in New York London 
Pennsylvania Assembly, 21 August, Documents, xxx. 16, and Clinton to 
1751, in Hazard, iv. 235. Lords of Trade, same date. 

3 Clinton to La Jonquiere, 12 
June, 1751. 


along the Blue Kidge to Western New York. They ciiap. 
approached the grand council, singing the words of ^^^ 
reconciliation, bearing their ensigns of colored feath- 1751 - 
ers, not erect, as in defiance, but horizontally, as with 
friends; and, accompanied by the rude music from 
their calabashes, they continued their melodies, while 
their great chief lighted the peace-pipe. He him- 
self was the first to smoke the sacred calumet ; 
then Hendrick, of the Mohawks ; and all the princi- 
pal sachems in succession. Nor was the council dis- 
missed, till the hatchet was buried irrecoverably deep, 
and a tree of peace planted, which was to be ever 
green as the laurel on the Alleghanies, and to spread 
its branches till its shadow should reach from the 
Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico. Thus was South 
Carolina first included in the same bright chain with 
New England. "When would they meet in council 
again ? Thus did the Indians, in alliance with Eng- 
land, plight faith to one another, and propose mea- 
sures of mutual protection. 

To anticipate or prevent the consummation of these 
designs remained the earnest effort of the French. 
They sent priests, who were excited partly by ambi- 
tion, partly by fervid enthusiasm, to proselyte the Six 
Nations ; their traders were to undersell the British ; 
in the summer of 1751, they launched an armed ves- 
sel of" unusual size on Lake Ontario, 1 and converted 
their trading-house at Niagara into a fortress ; 2 they 
warned the governor of Pennsylvania, 3 that the Eng- 

1 Memorial on Indian Affairs in Clinton, 10 August. Alexander's 
Clinton to Lords of Trade, 1 Octo- Remarks on the Letters, sent to Dr. 
ber, 1751. Mitchell. 

2 Clinton to De la Jonquiere, 12 8 La Jonquiere to Governor Ham- 
June, 1751. De la Jonquiere to ilton, of Pennsylvania, 6 June, 1751. 



chap, lisli never should make a treaty in the basin of the 
v^, — . Ohio ; they sent troops to prevent the intended con- 
1751. g r ess of red men ; ' and they resolved to ruin the Eng- 
lish interest in the remoter West, and take vengeance 
on the Miamis. 

Yet Louis the Fifteenth disclaimed hostile inten- 
tions; to the British minister at Paris he himself 
expressed personally his concern that any cause of 
offence had arisen, and affirmed his determined pur- 
pose of peace. The minister of foreign relations, De 
Puysieux, who, on the part of France, was respon- 
sible for the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, a man of honor, 
though not of ability, was equally disinclined to dis- 
turb the public tranquillity. But Saint-Contest, who, 
in September, 1751, succeeded him, though a feeble 
statesman and fond of peace, yet aimed at a federa- 
tive maritime system against England f and Rouille, 
the minister of the marine department, loved war and 
prepared for it. Spain wisely kept aloof. " By anti- 
pathy," said the Marquis of Ensenada, the considerate 
minister of Ferdinand the Sixth, " and from interest 
also, the French and English will be enemies, for they 
are rivals for universal commerce ;" and he urged on 
his sovereign seasonable preparations, that he might, 
by neutrality, recover Gibraltar, and become the arbi- 
ter of the civilized world. 3 

Every thing seemed to portend a conflict between 
England and France along their respective frontiers in 
America. To be prepared for it, Clinton's advisers 

1 Letter from Jonathan Edwards, sented to Ferdinand VI. in 1751. 
August, 1751. See Coxe et Muriel: Espagne sous 

2 Flassan : Hist, de la Diploma- les Rois de la Maison de Bourbon, 
tic Frangaise, vi. 15. iv. 294. 

8 De la Ensenada's Eeport, pre- 


recommended to secure the dominion of Lake Ontario 
by an armed sloop and by forts upon its shore. But, 
it was asked, how is the expense to be defrayed? 1 ^ r5l « 
And the question did but invite from the governor of 
New York new proposals for " a general duty by act 
of parliament ; l because it would be a most vain ima- 
gination to expect that all the colonies would severally 
agree to impose it." 

The receiver-general of New York, Archibald 
Kennedy, urged, through the press, " an annual meet- 
ing of commissioners from all the colonies at New 
York or Albany." " From upwards of forty vears' 
observation upon the conduct of provincial assemblies, 
and the little regard paid by them to instructions," he 
inferred, that " a British parliament must oblige them 
to contribute, or the whole would end in altercation 
and words." He advised an increase of the respective 
quotas, and the enlargement of the union, so as to 
comprise the Carolinas; and the whole system to be 
sanctioned and enforced by an act of the British 
legislature. 2 

"A voluntary union," said a voice from Philadel- 1752. 
phia, in March, 1752, in tones which I believe were 
Franklin's, 3 " a voluntary union, entered into by the 
colonies themselves, would be preferable to one im- 
posed by parliament ; for it would be, perhaps, not 
much more difficult to procure, and more easy to 
a]ter and improve, as circumstances should require 
and experience direct. It would be a very strange 
tiling, if Six Nations of ignorant savages should be 

1 Memorial on Indian Affairs, tance of. gaining and preserving 
(Jlinton to Lords of Trade, 1 Octo- the Friendship of the Indians, &c, 
ber, 1751. 3 Anonymous Letter fromPhil- 

2 Archibald Kennedy's Impor- adelphia, March, 1752. 



chap, capable of forming a scheme for such an union, and 

. — ^ be able to execute it in such a manner, as that it 

1752. has subsisted for ages, and appears indissoluble ; and 

yet that a like union should be impracticable for ten 

or a dozen English colonies, to whom it is more 

necessary, and must be more advantageous." 

While the people of America were thus becoming 
familiar with the thought of joining from their own 
free choice in one confederacy, the government of 
England took a decisive step towards that concentra- 
tion of power over its remote dominions, which for 
thirty years * had been the avowed object of attain- 
ment on the part of the Board of Trade. Halifax 
with his colleagues, of whom Charles Townshend was 
the most enterprising and most fearlessly rash, was 
appointed to take charge of American affairs ; with 
the entire patronage and correspondence belonging 
to them. 2 Yet the independence of the Board was 
not perfect. On important matters governors might 
still address the Secretary of State, through whom, 
also, nominations to offices were to be laid before the 
king in council. We draw nearer to the conflict of 
authority between the central government and the 
colonies. An ambitious commission, expressly ap- 
pointed for the purpose, was at last invested with the 
care of business, from which party struggles and court 
intrigues, or love of ease and quiet had hitherto di- 
verted the attention of the ministry. Nor did the 
Lords of Trade delay to exercise their functions, and 

1 See the very elaborate Ee- 2 Order in Council, 11 March, 

port of the Board of Trade, signed 1752. 
by Chetwynde, Dominique, Bladen, 
and Ashe, 8 September, 1721. 


to form plans for an American civil list and a new chap. 
administration of the colonies. They were resolved ^^ 
to attach large emoluments, independent of American 1752. 
acts of assembly, to all the offices, of which they had 
now acquired the undivided and very lucrative pa- 
tronage. Their continued subordination served to con- 
ceal their designs ; and the imbecility of Holdernesse 
left them nothing to apprehend from his interference. 

But in the moment of experiment, the thoughts of 
the Board were distracted by the state of relations 
with France. 

Along the confines of Nova Scotia, the heat of 
contest began to subside ; but danger lowered from 
the forest on the whole American frontier. In the 
early summer of 1752, John Stark, of New Hamp- 
shire, as fearless a young forester as ever bivouacked 
in the wilderness, was trapping beaver along the clear 
brooks that gushed from his native highlands, when 
a party of St. Francis Indians stole upon his steps, 
and scalped one of his companions. He, himself, by 
courage and good humor, won the love of his cap- 
tors ; their tribe saluted him as a young chief, and 
cherished him with hearty kindness ; his Indian mas- 
ter, accepting a ransom, restored him to his country. 
Men of less presence of mind often fell victims to the 
fury of the Indian allies of France. 

At the same time, the Ohio Company, with the 
express sanction 1 of the Legislature of Virginia, were 
forming a settlement beyond the mountains. Gist had, 
on a second tour, explored the lands southeast of 
the Ohio, as far as the Kenhawa. The jealousy of the 

; Laws of Virginia, February, of Lewis and Walker to Lord Bote- 
1752. 25 Geo. IL, c. 25. Keport tourt, 2 February, 1769. 


chap. Indians was excited. "Where," said the deputy of 
v^^ the Delaware chiefs, "where he the lands of the In- 
1752 dians? The French claim all on one side of the river, 
and the English on the other." 

Virginia, under the treaty of Lancaster, of 1744, 
assumed the right to appropriate to her jurisdic- 
tion all the lands as far west as the Mississippi. In 
May, 1752, her commissioners met chiefs of the Mh> 
goes, Shawnees and Ohio Indians, at Logstown. It 
was pretended 1 that chiefs of the Six Nations were 
present ; but at a general meeting at Onondaga, they 
had -resolved that it did not suit their customs " to 
treat of affairs in the woods and weeds." 2 "We 
never understood," said the Half-King, "that the 
lands sold in 1744, were to extend farther to the sunset- 
ting than the hill on the other side the Alleghany 
Hill. We now see and know that the French design 
to cheat us out of our lands. They plan nothing but 
mischief, for they have struck our friends, the Miamis ; 
we therefore desire our brothers of Virginia may 
« build, a strong house at the fork of Monongahela." 

The permission to build a fort at the junction of 
the two rivers that form the Ohio, was due to the 
alarm awakened by the annually increasing power of 
France, which already ruled Lake Ontario with armed 
vessels, held Lake Erie by a fort at Niagara, and 
would suffer no Western tribe to form alliances but 
with themselves. The English were to be excluded 
from the valley of the Miamis ; and in pursuance of 
that resolve, on the morning of the summer solstice, 
two Frenchmen, with two hundred and forty French 

1 Lieut. Gov. Dinwiddie of Vir- ernor Clinton, 26 March, 1753, in 
ginia, to Gov. Glen, 23 May, 1753. New York Documentary History, 

2 Col. William Johnson to Gov- ii. 624. Plain Facts, 38, 44. 


Indians, leaving thirty Frenchmen as a reserve, snd- chap. 
denly appeared before the town of Picqna, when most v^, 
of the people were absent, hunting, and demanded the 1752. 
surrender of the English traders and their effects. 
The king of the Piankeshaws replied: "They are 
here at our invitation ; we will not do so base a thing 
as to deliver them up." The French party made an 
assault on the fort ; the Piankeshaws bravely defended 
themselves and their guests, till they were over- 
whelmed by numbers. One white man was killed, and 
five were taken prisoners; of the Miamis, fourteen 
were killed ; the king of the Piankeshaws, the great 
chief of the whole confederacy, was taken captive, 
and, after the manner of savages, was sacrificed and 
eaten. 1 

When William Trent, the messenger of Virginia, 
proceeded from the couucil-fires at Logstown to the 
village of Picqua, he found it deserted, and the French 
colors flying over the ruins. 2 Having substituted the 
English flag, he returned to the Shawnee town, at the 
mouth of the Scioto, where the messengers of the 
allied tribes met for condolence and concert in revenge. 

"Brothers," said the Delawares to the Miamis, 
"we desire the English and the Six Nations to put 
their hands upon your heads, and keep the French 
from hurting you. Stand fast in the chain of friend- 
ship with the government of Virginia." 

" Brothers," said the Miamis to the English, " your 
country is smooth ; your hearts are good ; the dwell- 

1 Lieut. Gov. Dinwiddle to Lords 221, where the date is 1751, instead 

of Trade, Dec., 1752. Message of 1752. Dr. Wm. Clarke's Obser- 

from the Twigh twees to the Gov. vations, 9. 

of Pennsylvania. Indian Treaties, 2 Mr. Trent's Eeport and Jour- 

19. Mitchell's Contest in America, nal. Board of Trade Papers. 


chap, ings of your governors are like the spring in its 

^^Ls bloom." 

1752. "Brothers," they added to the Six Nations, hold- 
ing aloft a calumet ornamented with feathers, " the 
French and their Indians have struck us, yet we kept 
this pipe unhurt ;" and they gave it to the Six Na- 
tions, in token of friendship with them and with their 

A shell and a string of black wampum were given 
to signify the unity of heart ; and that, though it was 
darkness to the westward, yet towards the sun-rising 
it was bright and clear. Another string of black 
wampum announced that the war-chiefs and braves of 
the Miamis held the hatchet in their hand, ready to 
strike the French. The widowed queen of the Pianke- 
shaws sent a belt of black shells intermixed with 
white. " Brothers," such were her words, " I am 
left a poor, lonely woman, with one son, whom I com- 
mend to the English, the Six Nations, the Shawnees, 
and the Delawares, and pray them to take care of 

The Weas produced a calumet. " We have had 
this feathered pipe," said they, " from the beginning 
of the world ; so that when it becomes cloudy, we 
can sweep the clouds away. It is dark in the west, 
yet we sweep all clouds away towards the sun-rising, 
and leave a clear and serene sky." 

Thus, on the alluvial lands of Western Ohio, be- 
gan the contest that was to scatter death broadcast 
through the world. All the speeches were delivered 
again to the deputies of the nations, represented at 
Logstown, that they might be correctly repeated to 
the head council at Onondaga. An express messenger 
from the Miamis hurried across the mountains, bearing 


to the shrewd and able Dinwiddie, the lieutenant- chap. 
governor of Virginia, a belt of wampum, the scalp ^^L, 
of a French Indian, and a feathered pipe, with letters 1752. 
from the dwellers on the Maumee and on the Wabash. 
" Our good brothers of Virginia," said the former, 
" we must look upon ourselves as lost, if our brothers, 
the English, do not stand by us and give us arms." % 
"Eldest brother," pleaded the Picts and Windaws, 
" this string of wampum assures you, that the French 
king's servants have spilled our blood, and eaten the 
flesh of three of our men. Look upon us, and pity 
us, for we are in great distress. Our chiefs have taken 
up the hatchet of war. We have killed and eaten ten 
of the French and two of their negroes. We are 
your brothers; and do not think this is from our 
mouth only ; it is from our very hearts." 2 Thus they 
solicited protection and revenge. 

In December, 1752, Dinwiddie made an elaborate 
report to the Board of Trade, and asked specific 
instructions to regulate his conduct in resisting the 
French. The possession of the Ohio valley he fore- 
saw would fall to the Americans, from their numbers 
and the gradual extension of their settlements, for 
whose security he recommended a barrier of Western 
forts ; and, urging the great advantage of cultivating 
an alliance with the Miamis, he offered to cross the 
mountains, and deliver a present to them in person, in 
their own remote dwelling-places. 

The aged and undiscerning German prince who 
still sat on the British throne, methodically narrow, 
swayed by his mistress more than by his minister, 

1 Message of the Twightwees to 2 Message of the Picts and Win- 
Dinwiddie, 21 June, 1752. daws to Dinwiddie. 

VOL. IV. 9 


chap, meanly avaricious and spiritless, was too prejudiced to 
^ — . gather round Mm willingly the ablest statesmen, and 
1752. cared more for Hanover than for America. His min- 
isters were intent only on keeping in power. " To be 
well together with Lady Yarmouth," Pelham wrote, 
" is the best ground to stand on." * " K the good-will 
of the king's mistress," continued England's prime- 
minister to its principal secretary of state, " if that 
shakes, we have no resource." The whig aristocracy 
had held exclusive possession of the government for 
nearly forty years ; its authority was now culminating ; 
and it had nothing better to offer the British people, 
than an administration which openly spoke of seats in 
parliament as " a marketable commodity," 2 and gov- 
erned the king by paying court to his vices. 

•The heir to the throne was a boy of fourteen, of 
whose education royalists and the more liberal aristo- 
cracy were disputing the charge. His birth was 
probably premature, as it occurred within less than 
ten months of that of his oldest sister ; and his organi- 
zation was marked by a nervous irritability, which 
increased with years. a He shows no disposition to 
any great excess," said Dodington to his mother. 
" He is a very honest boy," answered the princess, 
who still wished him " more forward and less childish." 
" The young people of quality," she added, " are so 
ill educated and so very vicious, that they frighten 
me ;" and she secluded her son from their society- 
The prince, from his own serious nature, favored this 
retirement ; when angry, he would hide his passion in the 
solitude of his chamber ; and as he grew up, his strict 

1 Pelham to Newcastle, 12-24 a Bubb Dodington's Diary. 
October, 1752, in Coxe's Pelham, 
Ad. ii. 463. 


sobriety and also Ms constitutional fondness for domes- chap. 
tic life were alike observable. He never loved study ; ^^ 
but when he excused his want of application as idle- 1752. 
ness, " Yours," retorted Scott, " is not idleness ; you 
must not call being asleep all day being idle." * " I 
really do not well know," said his mother, 2 " what his 
preceptors teach him ; but, to speak freely, I am afraid 
not much ;" and she thought logic, in which the 
bishop, his tutor, instructed him, " a very odd study 
for a child of his condition." " I do not much regard 
books," rejoined her adviser, Dodington ; " but his 
Eoyal Highness should be informed of the general 
frame of this government and constitution, and the 
general course of business." ■ "I am of your opinion," 
answered the princess; "and Stone tells me, upon 
those subjects the prince seems to give a proper atten- 
tion, and make pertinent remarks." "I know no- 
thing," she added, " of the Jacobitism attempted to 
be instilled into the child; I cannot conceive what 
they mean ;" for to a German princess the supremacy 
of regal authority seemed a tenet very proper to be 
inculcated. But Lord Harcourt, the governor, "com- 
plained strongly to the king, that dangerous notions 
and arbitrary principles were instilled into the prince ; 
that he could be of no use, unless the instillers of that 
doctrine, Stone, Cresset, and Scott, were dismissed ;" 
and the Earl of Waldegrave, Harcourt's successor, 
" found Prince George uncommonly full of princely pre- 
judices, contracted in the nursery, and improved by the 
society of bed-chamber women, and pages of the Back 
stairs. A right system of education seemed impracti- 
cable." 8 

1 Waldegrave's Memoirs. 8 Waldegrave's Memoirs. 

8 Dodington's Diary. 


chap. Neither the king nor the court of the Prince of 
v^-L, Wales was, therefore, ready to heed the communica- 
1753. tion of Dinwiddie; but it found the Lords of Trade 
bent on sustaining the extended limits of America. 
In the study of the Western World no one of them 
was so persevering and indefatigable as Charles Town- 
shend. The elaborate memorial on the limits of 
Acadia, delivered in Paris, by the English commis- 
sioners, in January, 1753, was entirely his work, 1 and, 
though unsound in its foundation, won for him great 
praise 2 for research and ability. He now joined with 
his colleagues in advising the secretary of state to the 
immediate occupation of the eastern bank of the Ohio, 
lest the valley of the "beautiful river" should be 
gained by France. 

Many "proposals, too, were " made for laying taxes 
on North America." The Board of Trade had not 
ceased to be urgent "for a revenue with which to 
fix settled salaries on the Northern governors, and 
defray the cost of Indian alliances." " Persons of con- 
sequence," we are told, " had repeatedly, and without 
concealment, expressed undigested notions of raising 
revenues out of the colonies." 3 Some proposed to 
obtain them from the post-office, a modification of the 
acts of trade, and a general stamp act for America. 4 
With Pelham's concurrence, the Board of Trade 5 ou 

1 Reply of the English Com- 4 Political Register, i. 248. The 
missaries, in All the Memorials, &c. paper, here referred to, mixes error 
Note to page 195. Jasper Man- with much that is confirmed from 
duit to the Speaker of the Massa- more trustworthy sources, 
chusetts Assembly, 12 March, 1*763. 5 Walpole's Memoirs of George 

2 North Briton, No. 20. II. Letter of Wm. Bollan, of 
8 Thomas Penn to James Ham- Charles, the New York Agent of 

ilton, 9 January, 1753. Wm. Bol- the Proprietary of Pennsylvania. 
Ian to Secretary Willard, 10 July, 
1752, and 24 May, 1753. 


the eighth day of March, 1753, announced to the chap, 
House of Commons the want of a colonial revenue ; v_^ 
as the first expedient, it was proposed to abolish the 1753. 
export duty in the British West Indies, from which 
no revenue accrued ; and with a slight discrimination 
in their favor, to substitute imposts on all West In- 
dian produce brought into the northern colonies. 
This project was delayed at that time for the purpose 
of inquiries, that were to serve to adjust its details ; 
but the measure itself was already looked upon as the 
determined policy of Great Britain. 

Meantime, the Indians of Ohio were growing 
weary with the indecision of England and its colo- 
nies. A hundred of them, at Winchester, in 1753, 
renewed to Virginia the proposal for an English 
fort on the Ohio, and promised aid in repelling the 
French. 1 They repaired to Pennsylvania with the 
same message, and were met by evasions. 

The ministry which had, from the first, endeavored 
to put upon America the expenses of Indian treaties 
and of colonial defence, continued to receive early 
and accurate intelligence from Dinwiddie. 2 The sys- 
tem they adopted gave evidence not only of the reck- 
less zeal of the Lords of Trade to extend the jurisdic- 
tion of Great Britain beyond the Alleghanies, but 
also of the imbecility of the cabinet. The king in 
council, swayed by the representations of the Board, 
decided, that the valley of the^Ohio was in the west- 
ern part of the colony of Vh'ginia; and that "the 
march of certain Europeans to erect a fort in parts" 
claimed to be of his dominions, was to be resisted as 

1 Dinwiddie to Glen of S. 0. 2 Lieutenant Gov. Dinwiddie to 
23 May, 1753. Lords of Trade, 16 June, 1753. 



chap, an act of hostility. Having thus invited a conflict 
^ — . with France by instructions necessarily involving war, 
1753. the cabinet took no effective measures to sustain the 
momentous claims on which it solemnly resolved to 
insist. The governor of Virginia was reminded of 
the great number of men enrolled in the militia of that 
province. These he was to draw forth in whole or in 
part ; with their aid, and at the cost of the colony 
itself, to build forts on the Ohio ; to keep the Indians 
in subjection ; and to repel and drive out the French 
by force. But neither troops, nor money, nor ships 
of war were sent over ; nor was any thing, but a few 
guns from the ordnance stores, contributed by Eng- 
land. The Old Dominion was itself to make the con- 
quest of the West. France was defied and attacked : 
and no preparation was made beyond a secretary's 
letters, 1 and the king's instructions. 2 A general but 
less explicit circular was also sent to every one of the 
colonies, vaguely requiring them to aid each other in 
repelling all encroachments of France on " the undoubt- 
ed" 3 territory of England. Such was the mode 
in which Holdernesse and Newcastle gave effect 
to the intimations of the Board of Trade. 

That Board, of itself, had as yet no access to the 
king ; but still it assumed the direction of affairs in its 
department. Busily persevering in the plan of reform- 
ing the government of the colonies, it made one last 
great effort to conduct the American administration 
by means of the prerogative. New York remained 

1 Earl of Holdernesse to Lieut. * Circular of Holdernesse to the 

Gov. Dinwiddie, August, 1751. American Governors, 28 August, 

* Instructions to Lieut. Governor 1753. 
Dinwiddie, August, 1753. 


the scene of the experiment, and Sir Danvers Os- chap. 
borne, brother-in-law to the Earl of Halifax, having ^^ 
Thomas Pownall for his secretary, was commissioned 1753. 
as its governor, with instructions which were princi- 
pally " advised" 1 by Halifax and Charles Townshend, 
and were confirmed by the Privy Council, 2 in the 
presence of the king. 

The new governor, just as he was embarking, was 
also charged " to apply his thoughts very closely to 
Indian affairs ;" 3 and hardly had he sailed, when, in 
September, the Lords of Trade directed commission- 
ers from the northern colonies to meet the next sum- 
mer at Albany, and make a common treaty with the 
Six Nations. On the relations of France and Eng- 
land with those tribes and their Western allies, 
hung the issues of universal peace and American 

During the voyage across the Atlantic, the agita- 
ted mind of Osborne, already reeling with private 
grief, brooded despondingly over the task he had as- 
sumed. On the tenth of October, he took the oaths 
of office at New York ; and the people who welcomed 
him with acclamations, hooted his predecessor. "I 
expect the like treatment,'' said he to Clinton, " be- 
fore I leave the government." On the same day, he 
was startled by an address from the city council, 
who declared they would not " brook any infringe- 
ment of their inestimable liberties, civil and religious." 
On the next, he communicated to the Council his in- 
structions, which required the Assembly " to recede 
from all encroachments on the prerogative," and "to 

Representation of Halifax and 8 Thomas Penn to James Ham* 
Townshend, &c 5 July, 1753. ilton, 12 August, 1753. 

8 Order in Council, 10 August, 


chap, consider, without delay, of a proper law for a perma- 
^^L, nent revenue, solid, definite, and without limitation." 
175 3. All public money was to be applied by the governor's 
warrant, with the consent of Council, and the Assem- 
bly should never be allowed to examine accounts. 
With a distressed countenance and a plaintive voice, 
he asked if these instructions would be obeyed. 1 All 
agreed that the Assembly never would comply. He 
sighed, turned about, reclined against the window- 
frame, and exclaimed, " Then, why am I come here ?" 
Being of morbid sensitiveness, honest, and scru- 
pulous of his word, the unhappy man spent the night 
in arranging his private affairs, and towards morning 
hanged himself against the fence in the garden. Thus 
was British authority surrendered by his despair. 
His death left the government in the hands of James 
Delancey, a man of ability and great possessions. A 
native of New York, of Huguenot ancestry, he had 
won his way to political influence as the leader of op- 
position in the colonial Assembly ; and Newcastle had 
endeavored to conciliate his neutrality by a commis- 
sion as lieutenant-governor. He discerned, and acknow- 
ledged, that the custom of annual grants could never 
be surrendered. " Dissolve us as often as you will," 
said his old associates in opposition, " we will never 
give it up." But they relinquished claims to executive 
power, and consented that all disbursements of pub- 
lic money should require the warrant of the governor 
and council, except only for the payment of their own 
clerk and their agent in England. Nor did public 
opinion in Great Britain favor the instructions. 
Charles Townshend was, indeed, ever ready to defend 

Smith's History of New York, ii. 159, 160. 


them to the last ; but to the younger Horace Walpole chap. 
they seemed " better calculated for the latitude of w^L 
Mexico and for a Spanish tribunal, than for free, rich 1753. 
British settlements, in such opulence and haughtiness, 
that suspicions had long been conceived of their 
meditating to thro^r off their, dependence on the 
mother country." ' 

1 "Walpole's Memoires of George II. 




CHAr. New York offered no resistance to the progress 
- — , — - of the French in America. From Virginia the Ohio 
1753. Company, in 1753, opened a road by "Will's Creek, 
into the Western valley ; and Gist established a plan- 
tation near the Youghiogeny, just beyond Laurel Hill. 
Eleven families settled in his vicinity ; a town and fort 
were marked out on Shurtee's Creek ; but the British 
government did nothing to win the valley of the Ohio, 
leaving the feeble company exposed to the wavering 
jealousy of the red men, and without protection 
against the impending encroachments of France. 

The young men of the Six Nations had been 
hunting, in April, near the rapids of the St. Law- 
rence. Suddenly they beheld a large body of French 
and Indians, equipped for war, marching towards On- 
tario ; and their two fleetest runners hurried through 
the forest as messengers to the grand council at Onon- 
daga. In eight-and-forty hours the decision of the 
council was borne by fresh posts to the nearest Eng- 
lish station ; and on the nineteenth of April, at mid- 
night, the two Indians from Canajoharie, escorted by 


Mohawk warriors, that filled the air with their whoops chap 
and halloos, presented to Johnson the belt of warning ^^ 
which should urge the English to protect the Ohio 1753 
Indians and the Miamis. 1 In May more than thirty 
canoes were counted as they passed Oswego ; part of 
an army going to " the Beautiful River" of the French. 2 
The Six Nations foamed with eagerness to take up the 
hatchet; for, said they, " Ohio is^ours." 

On the report that a body of twelve hundred men 
had been detached from Montreal, by the brave 
Duquesne, the successor of La Jonquiere, to occupy 
the Ohio valley, the Indians on the banks of that 
river, — promiscuous bands of Delawares, Shawnees, 
and Mingoes, or emigrant Iroquois, — after a council 
at Logstown, resolved to stay the progress of the 
white men. Their envoy met the French, in April, at 
Niagara, and gave them the first warning to turn 
back. As the message sent from the council-fires of 
the tribes was unheeded, Tanacharisson, the Half-King, 
himself repaired to thejn at the newly discovered 
harbor of Erie, and, undismayed by a rude reception, 
delivered his speech. 

" Fathers ! you are disturbers in this land, by 
taking it away unknown to us and by force. This is 
our land, and not yours. Fathers! both you and 
the English are white ; we live in a country between. 
Therefore the land belongs to neither the one nor the 
other of you. But the Great Being above allowed it to 
be a dwelling-place for us ; so, Fathers, I desire you to 
withdraw, as I have done our brothers, the English ;" 
and he gave the belt of wampum. 

1 Col. Johnson to the Governor May, 1753. Holland to Clinton, 
of New York, 20 April, 1753. 15 May, 1753. Smith to Shirley, 

* Stoddard to Johnson, 15 24 December, 1753. 


chap. The French officer treated with derision the sim- 

^^L, pie words of the red chieftain of vagrants of the 

1753. wilderness, men who belonged to no confederacy, 
except as they were subordinate to the Six Nations. 
" Child," he replied, " you talk foolishly ; you say this 
land belongs to you ; but not so much of it as the 
black of your nail is yours. It is my land ; and I 
will have it, let who will stand up against it f and 
he threw back the belt of wampum in token of con- 

The words of the French commander filled the 
Half-King with dismay. In September, the mightiest 
men of the Mingo clan, of the Delawares, the Shaw- 
nees, the Wyandots, and the Miamis, met Franklin, of 
Pennsylvania, with two colleagues, at Carlisle. They 
wished neither French nor English to settle in their 
country ; if the English would lend aid, they would 
repel the French. The calm statesman distributed 
presents to all, but especially gifts of condolence to 
the tribe that dwelt at Picqua ; * and returning, he 
made known that the French had successively estab- 
lished posts at Erie, at Waterford, and at Venango, 
and were preparing to occupy the banks of the Mo- 


Sanctioned by the orders from the king, Dinwid- 
die, 2 of Virginia, resolved to send "a person of dis- 
tinction to the commander of the French forces on 
the Ohio Eiver, to know his reasons for invading the 
British dominions, while a solid peace subsisted:' 
The envoy whom he selected was George Washington. 
The young man, then just twenty-<3ne, a pupil of the 

1 Hazard's Register, iv. 236. 

4 Dinwiddie to Sharpe, of Maryland, 24 Nov., 1753. 


wilderness, and as heroic as La Salle, entered with chap 
alacrity on the perilous winter's journey from Wil- v^^^ 
liamsburg to the streams of Lake Erie. 1753. 

In the middle of November, with an interpreter 
and four attendants, and Christopher Gist, as a guide, 
lie left Will's Creek, and following the Indian trace 
through forest solitudes, gloomy with the fallen leaves 
and solemn sadness of late autumn, across mountains, 
rocky ravines, and streams, through sleet and snows, 
he rode in nine days to the fork of the Ohio. How- 
lonely was the spot, where, so long unheeded of men, 
the rapid Alleghany met nearly at right angles " the 
deep and still " water of the Monongahela ! At once 
Washington foresaw the destiny of the place. " I 
spent some time," said he,* " in viewing the rivers f 
" the land in the Fork has the absolute command of 
both." "The flat, well timbered land all around the 
point lies very convenient for building." After 
creating in imagination a fortress and a city, he and 
his party swam their horses across the Alleghany, and 
wrapt their blankets around them for the night, on its 
northwest bank. 

From the Fork the chief of the Delawares con- 
ducted Washington through rich alluvial fields to the 
pleasing valley at Logstown. There deserters from 
Louisiana discoursed of the route from New Orleans to 
Quebec, by way of the Wabash and the Maumee, and 
of a detachment from the lower province on its way 
to meet the French troops from Lake Erie, while 
Washington held close colloquy with the Half-King ; 
the one anxious to gain the West as a part of the ter- 
ritory of the Ancient Dominion, the other to preserve 
it for the red men. " We are brothers," said the Half 
King in council ; we are one people ; I will send back 

VOL. IV. 10 


chap, the French speech-belt, and will make the Shawneea 

^^ and the Delawares do the same." 

1753. On the night of the twenty-ninth of November, 
the council-fire was kindled ; an aged orator was 
selected to address the French ; the speech which he 
was to deliver was debated and rehearsed; it was 
agreed, that, unless the French would heed this third 
warning to quit the land, the Delawares also would be 
their enemies ; and a very large string of black and 
white wampum was sent to the Six Nations as a 
prayer for aid. 

After these preparations the party of Washington, 
attended by the Half-King, and envoys of the Dela- 
wares, moved onwards to the post of the French at 
Venango. The officers there avowed the purpose of 
taking possession of the Ohio ; and they mingled the 
praises of La Salle with boasts of their forts at Le 
Boeuf and Erie, at Niagara, Toronto, and Frontenac. 
u The English," said they, " can raise two men to our 
one ; but they are too dilatory to prevent any enter- 
prise of ours." The Delawares were intimidated or 
debauched ; but the Half-King clung to Washington 
like a brother, and delivered up his belt as he had 

The rains of December had swollen the creeks. 
The messengers could pass them only by felling trees 
for bridges. Thus they proceeded, now ' killing a 
buck and now a bear, delayed by excessive rains and 
snows, by mire and swamps, while Washington's quick 
eye discerned all the richness of the meadows. 

At Waterford, the limit of his journey, he found 
Fort Le Boeuf defended by cannon. Around it stood 
the barracks of the soldiers, rude log-cabins, roofed 
with bark. Fifty birch-bark canoes, and one hun- 


dred and seventy boats of pine were already prepared chap. 

for the descent of the river, and materials were col- , r _ 

lected for building more. The commander, Gardeur 1758. 
de St. Pierre, an officer of integrity 1 and experience, 
ajid, for his dauntless courage, both feared and be- 
loved by the red men, refused to discuss questions of 
right. "I am here," said he, " by the orders of my 
general, to which I shall conform with exactness and 
resolution." And he avowed his purpose of seizing 
every Englishman within the Ohio valley. France 
was resolved on possessing the great territory which 
her missionaries and travellers had revealed to tjie 

Breaking away from courtesies, Washington has- 
tened homewards to Virginia. The rapid current of 
French Creek dashed his party against rocks ; in 
shallow places they waded, the water congealing on 
their clothes ; where the ice had lodged in the bend 
of the rivers, they carried their canoe across the neck. 
At Venango, they found their horses, but so weak, 
the travellers went still on foot, heedless of the storm. 
The cold increased very fast ; the paths grew " worse 
by a deep snow continually freezing." Impatient to 
get back with his despatches, the young envoy, wrap- 
ping himself in an Indian dress, with gun in hand 
and pack on his back, the day after Christmas quitted 
the usual path, and, with Gist for his sole companion, 
by aid of the compass, steered the nearest way across 
the country for the Fork. An Indian, who had lain 
in wait for him, fired at him from not fifteen steps' 
distance, but, missing him, became his prisoner. " I 
would have killed him," wrote Gist, " but Washing- 

1 La Galissoniere to the minister, 23 Oct. 1748. 


chap, ton forbade. Dismissing their captive at night, they 
. — , — - walked about half a mile, then kindled a fire, fixed 

1753. their course by the compass, and continued travel- 
ling all night, and all the next day, till quite dark. 
Not till then did the weary wanderers " think them- 
selves safe enough to sleep," and they encamped, with 
no shelter but the leafless forest-tree. 

On reaching the Alleghany, with one poor hatchet 
and a whole day's work, a raft was constructed and 
launched. But before they were half over the river, 
they were caught in the running ice, expecting every 
moment to be crushed, unable to reach either shore. 
Putting out the setting-pole to stop the raft, Wash- 
ington was jerked into the deep water, and saved 
himself only by grasping at the raft-logs. They were 
obliged to make for an island. There lay Washing- 
ton, imprisoned by the elements ; but the late De- 
cember night was intensely cold, and in the morning 
he found the river frozen. Not till he reached Gist's 

1754. settlement, in January, 1754, were his toils lightened. 

Washington's report was followed by immediate 
activity. The Ohio Company agreed to build a fort 
at the Fork, and he himself was stationed at Alexan- 
dria to enlist recruits. In February, the General 
Assembly, 1 unwilling to engage with France, yet 
ready to protect the settlers beyond the mountains, 
agreed to borrow ten thousand pounds, taking care 
to place the disbursement of the money under the 
superintendence of their own committee. "The 
House of Burgesses," Dinwiddie complained, " were 
in a republican way of thinking ;" but he confessed 

1 Hening's Statutes at large, vi. 417. 


himself unable " to bring them to order." The As- chap. 
sembly of Virginia, pleading their want of means, ^^1^ 
single-handed, "to answer all the ends designed," ap- 1754. 
pealed to the " royal beneficence." l 

In England, it was the " opinion of the greatest 
men," that the colonies should do something for 
themselves, and contribute jointly towards their de- 
fence. 2 The ministry as yet did nothing but order 
the independent companies, stationed at New York 
and at Charleston, to take part in defence of Western 
Virginia. Glen, the governor of South Carolina, pro- 
posed a meeting, in Virginia, of all the continental 
governors, to adjust a quota from each colony, to be 
employed on the Ohio. " The Assembly of this Do- 
minion," observed Dinwiddie, 8 " will not be directed 
what supplies to grant, and will always be guided by 
their own free determinations ; they would think it 
an insult on their privileges, that they are so very 
fond of, to be under any restraint or direction." 
North Carolina voted twelve thousand pounds of its 
paper money for the service ; yet little good came of 
it. Maryland accomplished nothing, for it coupled its 
offers of aid with a diminution of the privileges of the 
proprietary. 4 

Massachusetts saw the French taking post on its 
eastern frontier, and holding Crown Point on the 
northwest. The province had never intrusted its 
affairs to so arbitrary 5 a set of men, as the Council 
and Assembly of that day. They adopted the re- 
Virginia Address to the King. 3 Dinwiddie to H. Sharpe, 8 
Knox, Controversy Reviewed, 129, April, 1754. 

130. 4 H. Sharpe to Lord Baltimore, 

2 Penn to Hamilton, 29 Jan. 2 May, 1754. Same to C. Calvert 
1754. H. Sharpe to Calvert, Se- 29 Nov. 1753. 8 May, 1754. 
cretary for Maryland in England, s Opinion of Samuel Adams. 

S May, 1754. 



chap, commendations of Hutchinson and Oliver. "The 


^^L, French," said they, " have but one interest ; the Eng- 
1754. lish governments are disunited; some of them have 
their frontiers covered by their neighboring govern- 
ments, and, not being immediately affected, seem un- 
concerned." They therefore solicited urgently the 
interposition of the king, that the French forts within 
his territories might be removed. "We are very 
sensible," * they added, " of the necessity of the colo- 
nies affording each other mutual assistance ; and we 
make no doubt but this province will, at all times, 
with great cheerfulness, furnish their just and reason- 
able quota towards it." Shirley was at hand to make 
the same use of this message, as of a similar petition six 
years before. But his influence was become greater. 
He had conducted the commission for adjusting the 
line of boundary with France, had propitiated the 
favor of Halifax and Cumberland by flattery, and had 
been made acquainted with the designs of the Board 
of Trade. His counsels, which were now, in some 
sense, the echo of the thoughts of his superiors, were 
sure to be received with deference, and to be 
cited as conclusive; and he repeatedly assured the 
ministry, that unless the king should himself deter- 
mine for each colony the quota of men or money, 
which it should contribute to the common cause, and 
unless the colonies should be obliged, in some effectual 
manner, to conform to that determination, there could 
be no general plan for the defence of America. 
Without such a settlement, and a method to enforce 
it, there could be no union. 2 Thus was the opinion, 

1 Message from the General January, 1754. The day of the 
Assembly of Massachusetts Bay to month is not given. Referred to 
Governor Shirley, 4 January, 1754. the Secretary, to be laid before the 

2 Shirley to the Lords of Trade, King, 4 April, 1754. 


which was one day to lead to momentous conse- chap 
quenees, more and more definitively formed. 



Pennsylvania, like Maryland, fell into a strife with 
the proprietaries, and, incensed at their parsimony, 
the province, at that time, perfected no grant, al- 
though the French were within its borders, and were 
preparing to take possession of all that part of it that 
lay west of the iyieghany. Ignorant of the unequiv- 
ocal orders to Virginia, they seized on the strict in- 
junctions of Holdernesse, in his circular, "not to 
make use of armed force, excepting within the un- 
doubted limits of his Majesty's dominions ;" of which 
they thought " it would be highly presumptuous in 
them to judge." 

In April, the Assembly of New York voted a 
thousand pounds to Virginia, but declined assisting 
to repel the French from a post which lay within the 
proprietary domain of Pennsylvania. 1 The Assembly 
of New Jersey would not even send commissioners to 
the congress at Albany. In the universal reluctance 
of the single colonies, all voices began to demand a 
union. "A gentle land-tax," said Kennedy, through 
the press of New York and of London, " a gentle 
land-tax, being the most equitable, must be our last 
resort." He looked forward with hope to the con- 
gress at Albany, but his dependence was on the par- 
liament; for "with parliament there would be no 
contending. And when their hands are in," he 
added, " who knows but that they may lay the foun- 
dation of a regular government amongst us, by fixing 

1 New York Assembly Journals for April, 1754. Smith's New 
York, ii. 173. 


chap, a support for the officers of the crown, independent of 

_^ an assembly ?" 

1754. James Alexander, of New York, 2 the same wno, 
with the elder William Smith, had limited the pre- 
rogative, by introducing the custom of granting but 
an annual support, thought that the British parlia- 
ment should establish the duties for a colonial reve- 
nue, which the future American Grand Council, to be 
composed of deputies from all the provinces, should 
have no power to diminish. The royalist, Colden, 
saw no mode of obtaining the necessary funds but by 
parliamentary taxation ; the members of the Grand 
Council, unless removable by the crown, might be- 
come dangerous. The privilege of fixed meetings at 
stated times and places, was one which neither the 
parliament nor the Privy Council enjoyed, and would 
tend to subvert the constitution. England, he was 
assured, "will, and can, keep its colonies dependent." 
But Franklin looked for greater liberties than such as, 
the British parliament might inaugurate. Having for 
his motto, " Join or die," he busied himself in sketch- 
ing to his friends the outline of a confederacy which 
should truly represent the whole American people. 

Dinwiddie was all the while persevering in his 
plans at the West. Trent was already there ; and 
Washington, now a lieutenant-colonel, with a regi- 
ment of but one hundred and fifty " self-willed, un- 
governable" men, was ordered to join him at the 
fork of the Ohio, " to finish the fort already begun 
there by the Ohio Company ;" and " to make prison- 
ers, kill, or destroy all who interrupted the English 

1 Kennedy's Serions Considera- 2 T. Sedgwick's Life of W. Iiv- 
tions, 21, 23, &c. ingston. 


But as soon as spring opened the Western rivers, chap. 
and before Washington could reach Will's Creek, the ^^^ 
French, led by Contrecceur, came down from Venan- 1754. 
go, and summoned the English at the Fork to surren- 
der. Only thirty-three in *n umber, they, on the sev- 
enteenth of April, capitulated and withdrew. Con- 
trecceur occupied the post, which he fortified, and, 
froin the governor of New France, named Duquesne. 
The near forest-trees were felled and burned ; cabins 
of bark, for barracks, were built round the fort, and 
at once, among the charred stumps, wheat and maize 
sprung up on the scorched fields where now is 

" Come to our assistance as soon as you can f 
such was the message sent by the Half-King's wam- 
pum to Washington ; " come soon, or we are lost, and 
shall never meet again. I speak it in the grief of my 
heart." And a belt in reply announced the approach 
of the Half-King's "brother and friend." The raw 
recruits, led by their young commander, could ad- 
vance but slowly, fording deep streams, and painfully 
dragging their few cannon. In the cold and wet sea- 
son, they were without tents or shelter from the wea- 
ther ; without a supply of clothes ; often in want of 
provisions; without any thing to make the service 
agreeable. On the twenty-fifth of May, the wary 
Half-King sent word, " Be on your guard ; the 
French army intend to strike the first English whom 
they shall see." 

The same day, another report came, that the 
French were but eighteen miles distant, at the 
crossing of the Youghiogeny. Washington hurried 
to the Great Meadows, where, " with nature's assist- 


chap. «ance, he made a good intrenchment, and, by clearing 
^^ the bushes out of the meadows, prepared" what 
1754. he called "a charming field for an encounter." A 
small, light detachment,' sent out on wagon-horses to 
reconnoitre, returned without being able to find any 
one. By the rules of wilderness warfare, a party that 
skulks and hides is an enemy. At night the little 
army was alarmed, and remained under arms from 
two o'clock till near sunrise. On the morning of 
the twenty-seventh, Gist arrived. He had seen the 
trail of the French within five miles of the American 

In the evening of that day, about nine o'clock, 
an express came from the Half-King, that the armed 
body of the French was not far off. Through a heavy 
rain, in a night as dark as can be conceived, with but 
forty men, inarching in single file along a most nar- 
row trace, Washington made his way to the camp of 
the Half-King. After council, it was agreed to go 
hand in hand, and strike the invaders. Two Indians, 
following the trail of the French, discovered their 
lodgment, away from the path, concealed among 
rocks. With the Mingo chiefs Washington made 
arrangements to come upon them by surprise. Per- 
ceiving the English approach, they ran to seize their 
arms. " Fire !" said Washington, and, with his own 
musket, gave the example. That word of command 
kindled the world into a flame. It was the signal for 
the first great war of revolution. There, in the 
Western forest, began the battle which was to banish 
from the soil and neighborhood of our republic the 
institutions of the Middle Age, and to inflict on them 
fatal wounds throughout the continent of Europe. In 
repelling France from the basin of the Ohio, Wash- 


ington broke the repose of mankind, and waked a chap. 
struggle, which could admit only of a truce, till the ^^, 
ancient bulwarks of Catholic legitimacy were thrown 1754, 

An action of . about a quarter of an hour ensued. 
Ten of the French were killed ; among them Jumon- 
ville, the commander of the party; and twenty-one 
were made prisoners. 

When the tidings of this affray crossed the Atlan- 
tic, the name of "Washington was, for the first time, 
heard in the saloons of Paris. The partisans of abso- 
lute monarchy pronounced it with execration. They 
foreboded the loss of the Western World ; and the 
flatterers of Louis the Fifteenth and of Madame Pom- 
padour, the high-born panders to royal lust, out- 
raged the fair fame of the spotless hero as a violator 
of the laws of nations. What courtier, academician, or 
palace menial would have exchanged his hope of fame 
with that of the calumniated American ? The death 
of Jumonville became the subject for loudest com- 
plaint ; this martyr to the cause of feudalism and 
despotism was celebrated in heroic verse, and conti- 
nents were invoked to weep for his fall. And at 
the very time when the name of Washington became 
known to France, the child was just born who was 
one day to stretch out his hand for the relief of 
America and the triumph of popular power and free- 
dom. How many defeated interests bent over the 
grave of Jumonville! How many hopes clustered 
round the cradle of the infant Louis ! * 

1 See the last part of the last . est l'homme de conr ou d'Acade- 
volume of Chateaubriand's Etudes mie, qui auroit voulu changer a 
Historiques, the Analyse Raison- cette epoque son nom contre celui 
nee de PHistoire de France. Quel de ceplanteur Americain, &c. &c. 


chap. The dead were scalped by the Indians, and the 

^~^, chieftain, Monacawache, bore a scalp and a hatchet to 

ITS £ each of the tribes of the Miamis, inviting their great 

war-chiefs and braves to go hand in hand with the 

Six Nations and the English. . . 

While Washington was looking wistfully for aid 
from the banks of the Muskingum, the Miami, and 
the Wabash, from Maryland and Pennsylvania, and 
from all the six provinces to which appeals had been 
made, no relief arrived. An independent company 
came, indeed, from South Carolina ; but its captain, 
proud of his commission from the king, weakened the 
little army by wrangling for precedence over the 
provincial commander of the Virginia regiment ; and 
it is the sober judgment of the well-informed, 1 that, 
if Washington had remained undisputed chief, the 
defeat that followed would have been avoided. While 
• he, with his Virginians, constructed a road for about 
thirteen miles through the gorge in the mountains to 
Gist's settlement, and a party was clearing a path as 
far as the mouth of the Redstone, the Half-King saw 
with anger that the independent company remained in 
idleness at Great Meadows " from one full moon to the 
other f 2 and, foreboding evil, he removed his wife 
and children to a place of safety. 

The numbers of the French were constantly in- 
creasing. Washington, whom so many colonies had 
been vainly solicited to succor, was, on the first day 
of July, compelled to fall back upon Fort Necessity, 
the rude stockade at Great Meadows. The royal 
troops had done nothing to make it tenable. The 
little intrenchment was in a glade between two emi- 

1 Lieut. Gov. Sharpe to Lord 2 Hazard's Register. 
Bury, 5 November, 1754. 


nences covered with trees, except within sixty yards chap 
of it. On the third day of July, about noon, six ^^ 
hundred French, with one hundred Indians, came 1 in 1754. 
sight, and took possession of one of the eminences, 
where every soldier found a large tree for his shelter, 
and could fire in security on the troops beneath. For 
nine hours, in a heavy rain, the fire was returned. 
The tranquil courage of Washington spread its influ- 
ence through the raw provincial levies, so inferior to 
the French in numbers and in position. At last, 2 after 
thirty of the English, and but three of the French 
had been killed, De Villiers himself fearing his ammu- 
nition would give out, proposed a parley. The terms 
of capitulation which were offered were interpreted 
to Washington, who did not understand French, and, 
as interpreted, were accepted. On the fourth day of 
July, the English garrison, retaining all its effects, 
withdrew from the basin of the Ohio. In the whole 
valley of the Mississippi, to its head-springs in the 
Alleghanies, no standard floated but that of France. 

Hope might dawn from Albany. There, on the 
nineteenth day of June, 1754, assembled the mem- 
orable congress 3 of commissioners from every colony 
north of the Potomac. The Virginia government, 
too, was represented by the- presiding officer, Delan- 
cey, the lieutenant-governor of New York. They 
met to concert measures of defence, and to treat with 
the Six Nations and the tribes in their alliance. 
America had never seen an assembly so venerable for 

1 Journal of De Villiers in "New 2 H. Sharpe to his Brother, 

Yoik Paris Documents. Varin to Annapolis, 19 April, 1755. 

Bigot, 24 July, 1754. Correspond- 3 Massachusetts Historical Col- 

ence of H. Sharpe. lections, xxx. New York Docu- 

mentary History, ii. 

VOL. IV. 11 


CI ^ P - the States that were represented, or for the great and 
v — *^ able men who composed it. Every voice declared a 
* union of all the colonies to be absolutely necessary. 
And, as a province might recede at will from an 
unratified covenant, the experienced Hutchinson, of 
Massachusetts, proud of having rescued that colony 
from thraldom to paper money, Hopkins, a patriot of 
Rhode Island, the wise and faithful Pitkin, of Con- 
necticut, Tasker, of Maryland, the liberal Smith, of 
New York, and Franklin, the most benignant of 
statesmen, were deputed to prepare a constitution for 
a perpetual confederacy of the continent ; but Frank- 
lin had already " projected" a plan, and had brought 
the heads of it with him. 1 

The representatives of the Six Nations assembled 
tardily, but urged union and action. They accepted 
the tokens of peace. They agreed to look upon 
" Virginia and Carolina" as also present. " We thank 
you," said Hendrick, the great Mohawk chief, " we 
thank you for renewing and brightening the covenant 
chain. We will take this belt to Onondaga, where 
our council-fire always burns, and keep it so securely 
that neither the thunderbolt nor the lightning shall 
break it. Strengthen yourselves, and bring as many 
as you can into this covenant chain." " You desired 
us to open our minds and hearts to you," added the 
indignant brave. " Look at the French ; they are men ; 
they are fortifying every where. But, we are ashamed 
to say it, you are like women, without any fortifica- 
tions. It is but one step from Canada hither, and the 
French may easily come and turn you out of doors." 
The distrust of the Six Nations was still stronger 

1 Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, iii. 21. 



than was expressed. Though presents in unusual CH £ P - 
abundance had been provided, and a general invita- 
tion had been given, but one hundred and fifty war- 
riors appeared. Half of the Onandagas had with- 
drawn, and joined the settlement formed at Oswegat- 
chie under French auspices. Even Mohawks went to 
the delegates from Massachusetts to complain of 
fraudulent transfers of their soil, — that the ground 
on which they slept, and where burned the fires by 
which they sat, had never been sold, but had yet been 
surveyed and stolen from them in the night. 1 The 
lands on the Ohio they called their own ; and as Con- 
necticut was claiming a part of Pennsylvania, because 
by its charter its jurisdiction extended west to the 
Pacific, they advised the respective claimants to 
remain at peace. 

The red men having held their last council, and 
the congress, by its president, having spoken to them 
farewell, the discussion of the federative compact was 
renewed, and the project of Franklin being accepted, 
he was deputed alone to make a draught of it. On 
the tenth day of July, he produced the finished plan 
of perpetual union, which was read paragraph by 
paragraph, and debated all day long. 

The seat of the proposed federal government 
was to be Philadelphia, a central city, which it was 
thought could be reached even from New Hampshire 
or South Carolina in fifteen or twenty days. The 
constitution was a compromise between the preroga- 
tive and popular power. The king was to name and 
to support a governor-general, who should have a nega- 

1 Alexander Colden to C. Colden, July, 1754. 


chap, tive on all laws ; the people of the colonies, through 
. — , — - their legislatures, were to elect triennially a grand 
1 754 - council, which alone could originate bills. Each colony- 
was to send a number of members in proportion to 
its contributions, yet not less than two, nor more than 
seven. The governor-general was to nominate mili 
tary officers, subject to the advice of the council, 
which, in turn, was to nominate all civil officers. No ' 
money was to be issued but by their joint order. 
Each colony was to retain its domestic constitution ; 
the federal government was to regulate all relations of 
peace or war with the Indians, affairs of trade, and 
purchases of lands not within the bounds of particular 
colonies ; to establish, organize, and temporarily to 
govern new settlements ; to raise soldiers, and equip 
vessels of force on the seas, rivers, or lakes ; to make 
laws, and levy just and equal taxes. The grand coun- 
cil were to meet once a year, to choose their own 
speaker, and neither to be dissolved nor prorogued, 
nor continue sitting longer than six weeks at any one 
time, but by their own consent. 

The warmest friend of union and "the principal 
hand in forming the plan," * was Benjamin Franklin. 
He encountered a great deal of disputation about it ; 
almost every article being contested by one or ano- 
ther. 2 His warmest supporters were the delegates 
from New England ; yet Connecticut feared the 
negative power of the governor-general. On the roy- 
alist side none opposed but Delancey. He would have 
reserved to the colonial governors a negative on all 
elections to the grand council; but it was answered; 

1 Shirley to Sir Thomas Robin- 2 MS. Letter from Benjamin 
eon, 24 December, 1754. Franklin, of 21 July, 1754. 


that the colonies would then be virtually taxed by a chap. 
congress of governors. The sources of revenue sug- v_^L^ 
gested in debate were a duty on spirits and a gene- 1754. 
ral stamp-tax. 1 At length after much debate, in which 
Franklin manifested consummate address, the commis- 
sioners agreed on the proposed confederacy " pretty 
unanimously." "It is not altogether to my mind," 
said Franklin," giving an account of the result ; " but 
it is as I could get it," 2 and copies were ordered, that 
every member might " lay the plan of union before his 
constituents for consideration ;" a copy was also to be 
transmitted to the governor of each colony not repre- 
sented in the congress. 

New England colonies in their infancy had given 
birth to a confederacy. "William Penn, in 1697, had 
proposed an annual congress of all the provinces on 
the continent of America, with power to regulate com- 
merce. Franklin revived the great idea, and breathed 
into it enduring life. As he descended the Hudson, 
the people of New York thronged about him to wel- 
come him ; 8 and he, who had first entered their city 
as a runaway apprentice, was revered as the mover of 
American union. 

Yet the system was not altogether acceptable 
either to Great Britain or to America. The fervid at- 
tachment of each colony to its own individual liberties 
repelled the overruling influence of a central power. 
Connecticut rejected it; even New York showed it 
little favor ; Massachusetts charged her agent to op- 

1 Smith's New York, ii. 185. July, 1754. " Gentlemen have, for 
Gordon's History of the American this hour past, been going in and 
Revolution, i. coming out from paying their com- 

2 MS. Letter of Franklin. pliments to Mr. Franklin." 
8 Letter from New York, 17 



chap, pose it. 1 The Board of Trade, on receiving the 
^L, minutes of the congress, were astonished at a plan of 
1754. general government "complete in itself. 2 Kenecting 
men in England dreaded American union as the key- 
stone of independence. 

But in the mind of Franklin the love for union 
assumed still more majestic proportions, and compre 
hended " the great country back of the Apalachian 
mountains." He directed attention to the extreme 
richness of its land ; the healthy temperature of its 
air ; the mildness of the climate ; and the vast con- 
venience of inland navigation by the Lakes and great 
rivers. " In less than a century," said he with the 
gift of prophecy, " it must undoubtedly become a 
populous and powerful dominion." And through 
Thomas Pownall, who had been present at Albany 
during the deliberations of the congress, he advised 
the immediate organization of two new colonies in 
the west; with powers of self-direction and govern- 
ment like those of Connecticut and Bhode Island: 
the one on Lake Erie ; the other in the valley of the 
Ohio, with its capital on the banks of the Scioto. 

Thus did the freedom of the American colonies, 
their union, and their extension through the west, be- 
come the three great objects of the remaining years of 
Franklin. Heaven, in its mercy, gave the illustrious 
statesman length of days, so that he lived to witness 
the fulfilment of his hopes in all their grandeur. 

1 Massachusetts to Bollan, 31 Trade, 29 October, 1754, in Planta- 
December, 1754. tions Gen. B. 7. xlii. ; and at Albany, 

8 Kepresentation of tbe Board of London Documents, xxxi. 64. 




In 1754 David Hume, whose penetrating mind chap 
had discovered the hollowness of the prevailing systems v— ^^ 
of thought in Europe, yet without offering any better 1 754, 
substitute in philosophy than a selfish ideal skepticism, 
or hoping for any other euthanasia to the British 
constitution than its absorption in monarchy, said of 
America in words which he never need have erased, 
and in a spirit which he never disavowed, " The seeds 
of many a noble state have been sown in climates, 
kept desolate by the wild manners of the ancient in- 
habitants, and an asylum is secured in that solitary 
w r orld for liberty and science." The thirteen Ameri- 
can colonies, of which the union was projected, con- 
tained, at that day, about one million one hundred and 
sixty-five thousand white inhabitants, and two hun- 
dred and sixty thousand negroes ; in all, one million 
four hundred and twenty-five thousand souls. The 
Board of Trade 1 sometimes reckoned a few thousands 

1 The representation of the Board eluded Nova Scotia, and according 
to the king, founded in part on mus- to the authority of Chalmers in 
ter-rolls and returns of taxables, in- the History of the Revolt, estimated 





more; and some, on revising their judgment, stated 
the amount at less. 

Of persons of European ancestry, perhaps fifty 
thousand dwelt in New Hampshire, two hundred and 
seven thousand in Massachusetts, thirty-five thousand 
in Ehode Island, and one hundred and thirty-three 
thousand in Connecticut; in New England, therefore, 
four hundred and twenty-five thousand souls. 

Of the Middle Colonies, New York may have had 
eighty-five thousand ; New Jersey, seventy-three thou- 

the population of British Conti- 
nental America, in 1754, at 
1,192,896 whites, 
292,738 blacks, 

1,485,634 souls. 
Thomas Pownall, whose brother was 
secretary to the Board of Trade, 
adhering more closely to the lists 
as they were made out, states the 
amount, for the thirteen colonies, 
at 1,250,000. See A Memorial most 
humbly addressed to the sovereigns 
of Europe on the present state of 
affairs between the Old and the 
New World. The Report of the 
Board of Trade on the 29 August, 
1755, constructed in part from 
conjecture, makes the whole num- 
ber of white inhabitants, 1,062,- 
000. Shirley, in a letter to Sir 
Thomas Robinson, 15 August, 1755, 

writes that "the inhabitants may 
be now set at 1,200,000 whites at 
least." The estimate in the text 
rests on the consideration of many 
details and opinions of that day, 
private journals and letters, re- 
ports to the Board of Trade, and 
official papers of the provincial 
governments. Nearly all are im- 
perfect. The greatest discrepancy 
in judgments relates to Pennsylva- 
nia and the Oarolinas. He who 
like H. O. Carey, in his Principles 
of Political Economy, part iii. 25, 
will construct retrospectively gene- 
ral tables from the rule of increase 
in America, since 1790, will err 
very little. From many returns 
and computations I deduce the an- 
nexed table, as some approximation 
to exactness. 



1750 to 1790. 




1750, 1,040,000, 



1754, 1,165,000, 



1760, 1,385,000, 



1770, 1,850,000, 



1780, 2,383,000, 



1790, 3,177,257, 



The estimates of the Board 


that of 

George the Second, and 

Trade in 1714, on the accession 

in 1754, 


, according to Glial* 

of George the First, in 1727, 






1714, 375,750, 



1727, 502,000, 



1754, 1,192,896, 





sand ; Pennsylvania, with Delaware, one hundred and chap. 
ninety-five thousand ;• Maryland, one hundred and four v^-L 
thousand; in all, not far from four hundred and fifty- 1754. 
seven thousand. 

For the Southern Provinces, where the mild climate 
invited emigrants to the inland glades, — where the 
crown lands were often occupied on warrants of sur- 
veys without patents, or even without warrants, — 
where the people were never assembled but at mus- 
ters, there was room for glaring mistakes in the enu- 
merations. To Virginia may be assigned one hundred 
and sixty-eight thousand white inhabitants ; to North 
Carolina, scarcely less than seventy thousand ; to South 
Carolina, forty thousand ; to Georgia, not more than 
&ve thousand; to the whole country south of the 
Potomac, two hundred and eighty-three thousand. 1 

The white population of any one of five^ or per- 
haps even of six of the American provinces, was 
greater singly than that of all Canada, and the aggre- 
gate in America exceeded that in Canada fourteen 

Of persons of African lineage the home was chiefly 
determined by climate. New Hampshire, Massachu- 
setts, and Maine may have had three thousand ne- 
groes ; Rhode Island, four thousand five hundred ; 
Connecticut, three thousand five hundred ; all New 
England, therefore, about eleven thousand. 

New York alone had not far from eleven thou- 

1 The Board of Trade in August, Delaware, 220,000 ; to New Jersey, 

1755, assign to Georgia, 3,000 white 75,000; to New- York, 55,000; to 

inhabitants ; to South Carolina, Connecticut, 100,000; to Rhode 

25,000; to North Carolina, 50,000; Island, 30,000; to Massachusetts 

to Virginia, 125,000 ; to Maryland, Bay, 200,000 ; to New Hampshire, 

100,000; to Pennsylvania, with 75,000. 


-hap. sand ; 1 New Jersey, about half that number ; Pennsyl- 
v— >, — - vania, with Delaware, eleven thousand; Maryland, 
1754. forty-four thousand; the Central Colonies, collectively, 
seventy-one thousand. 

In Virginia there were not less than one hundred 
and sixteen thousand ; in North Carolina, perhaps 
more than twenty thousand ; in South Carolina, full 
forty thousand ; in Georgia, about two thousand , 
so that the country south of the Potomac, may have 
had one hundred and seventy-eight thousand. 

Of the Southern group, Georgia 2 — the chosen 
asylum of misfortune — had been languishing under 
the guardianship of a corporation, whose benefits had 
not equalled the benevolence of its designs. The 
council of its trustees had granted no legislative rights 
to those whom they assumed to protect, but, meeting 
at a London tavern, 8 by their own power imposed 
taxes on its Indian trade. Industry was disheart- 
ened by the entail of freeholds ; summer, extending 
through months not its own, engendered pestilent 
vapors from the lowlands, as they were opened to the 
sun ; American silk, it is true, was admitted into 
London duty-free, but the wants of the wilderness left 
no leisure to feed the silkworm and reel its thread ; 
nor had the cultivator learned to gather cotton from 
the down of the cotton plant ; the indigent, for whom 
charity had proposed a refuge, murmured at an exile 
that had sorrows of its own ; the few men of sub- 
stance withdrew to Carolina. In December, 1751, 
the trustees unanimously desired to surrender their 

1 O'Callaghan's Documentary His- 8 Knox, 1 62, 1 64. Stokes on the 
tory of New-York, iii., 843. Colonies, 164. 

2 Chalmers' Kevolt, ii., 803. 


charter, and, with the approbation of Murray, 1 all chap. 
authority for two years emanated from the king ^-^ 
alone. In 175 4, 2 when the first royal governor with 1754 -- 
a royal council entered upon office, a legislative as- 
sembly convened under the sanction of his commis- 
sion. The crown instituted the courts, and appointed 
executive officers and judges, with fixed salaries paid 
by England ; but the people, intrenching itself in the 
representative body, and imitating the precedents of 
older colonies, gained vigor in its infancy to restrain 
every form of delegated authority. 

South Carolina prospered and was happy. Its 
fiery people, impatient of foreign restraint, easily 
kindling into a flame, had increased their power by 
every method of encroachment on the executive, and 
every claim to legislative self-direction ; but they did 
not excite English jealousy by competing with En- 
glish industry, or engaging largely in illicit trade ; 
and British legislation was ever lenient to their in- 
terests. In favor of rice, whose culture annually 
covered their inexhaustibly fertile swamps with its 
expanse of verdure, the Laws of Navigation were 
mitigated ; the planting of indigo, which grew wild 
among their woodlands, was cherished, like the pro- 
duction of naval stores, by a bounty from the British 
exchequer ; and they thought it in return no hard- 
ship to receive through England even foreign manu- 
factures, which, by the system of partial drawbacks, 
came to them burdened with a tax, yet at a less cost 
than to the consumer in the metropolis. They had 

1 Chalmers' Opinions of Eminent Reynolds, 24 July, 1754. Sir James 
Lawyers, i., 187, 188. Wright to Hillsborough, 28 Feb., 

2 Lords of Trade to Governor 1771. 


chap, desired and had obtained the presence of troops to 
s^rJ*, intimidate the wild tribes on their frontiers and to 
17 5 4 overawe their slaves. The people were yeomen, 
owing the king small quitrents, which could never 
be rigorously exacted ; a title to portions of the royal 
domain was granted on easy terms ; and who would 
disturb the adventurer that, at his own will, built 
his cabin and pastured his herds in savannas and 
forests which had never been owned in severalty ? 
The slave-merchant too willingly supplied laborers 
on credit. Free from excessive taxation, protected by 
soldiers in British pay, the frugal planter enjoyed 
the undivided returns of his enterprise, and might 
double his capital in three or four years. The love 
for rural life prevailed universally; the thrifty me- 
chanic exchanged his workshop, the merchant aban- 
doned the exciting risks of the sea, to plant estates of 
their own. 

North Carolina, with nearly twice as many white 
inhabitants as its southern neighbor, had not one con- 
siderable village. Its rich swamps near the sea pro- 
duced rice ; its alluvial lands teemed with maize ; 
free labor, little aided by negroes, busily drew tur- 
pentine and tar from the pines of its white, sandy 
plains ; a hardy and rapidly increasing people, mas- 
ters of their own free wills, lay scattered among its 
fertile uplands. There, through the boundless wilder- 
ness, hardy emigrants, careless of the strifes of Eu- 
rope, ignorant of deceit, free from tithes, answerable 
to no master, fearlessly occupied lands that seemed 
without an owner. Their swine had the range of the 
forest ; the open greenwood was the pasture of their 
untold herds ; their young men, disciplined to frugal- 


ity and patient of toil, trolled along the brooks that chap. 

abounded in fish, and took their pleasant sleep under , r ^ 

the forest-tree; or trapped the beaver; or, with gun 1754. 
and pouch, lay in wait. for the deer, as it slaked its 
thirst, at the running stream ; or, in small parties, 
roved the spurs ofrthe Alleghanies, in quest of mar- 
ketable skins. How could royal authority force its 
way into such a region ? If Arthur Dobbs, the royal 
governor, an author of some repute, insisted on intro- 
ducing the king's prerogative, the legislature Aid not 
scruple to leave the whole expense of government 
unprovided for. Did he attempt to establish the 
Anglican Church ? The children of nature, free 
from bigotry and from sectarian prejudices, were 
ready to welcome the institution of public worship, if 
their own vestries might choose their ministers. Did 
he seek to collect quitrents from a people who were 
nearly all tenants of the king ? They deferred indefi- 
nitely the adjustment of the rent-roll. 

For the Carolinas and for Virginia, as well as 
other royal governments, the king, under his sign 
manual, appointed the governor and the council ; 
these constituted, also, a court of chancery ; the pro- 
vincial judges, selected by the king or the royal 
governor, held office at the royal pleasure ; 1 for the 
courts of vice-admiralty the Lords of the Admiralty 
named a judge, register, and marshal; the commis- 
sioners of the customs appointed the comptrollers and 
the collectors, of whom one was stationed at each 
considerable harbor; the justices and the militia 
officers were named by the governor in council. The 

1 Opinions of Eminent Lawyers, i. 222, 223. 

VOL. IV. 12 


chap, freeholders elected but one branch of the legislature, 
^^ and here, as in every royal government, the council 
1754 formed another. In Virginia there was less strife 
than elsewhere between the executive and the As- 
sembly, partly because the king had a permanent 
revenue from quitrents and perpetual grants, partly 
because the governor resided in England, and was 
careful that his deputy should not hazard his sinecure 
•by controversy. In consequence, the Council, by its 
weight' of personal character, gained unusual influ- 
ence. The Church of England was supported by 
legislative authority, and the plebeian sects were as yet 
proscribed, but the great extent of the parishes pre- 
vented all unity of public worship. Bedford, when 
in office, had favored the appointment of an Anglican 
bishop in America ; but, as his decisive opinion and 
the importunities of Sherlock and Seeker had not 
prevailed, the benefices were filled by priests ordained 
in England, and for the most part of English birth, 
1 too often ill-educated and licentious men, whose 
crimes quickened Virginia to assume the advowson of 
its churches. The province had not one large town ; 
the scattered mode of life made free schools not 
easily practicable. Sometimes the sons of wealthy 
planters repaired to Europe ; here and there a man 
of great learning, some Scottish loyalist, some exile 
around whom misfortune spread a mystery, sought 
safety and gave instruction in Virginia. The country 
within tide- water was divided among planters, who, 
in the culture of tobacco, were favored by British 
legislation. Insulated on their large estates, they 
were cordially hospitable. In the quiet of their soli- 
tary life, unaided by an active press, they learned 
from nature what others caught from philosophy, to 


reason boldly, to bound their freedom of mind only chap. 
by self-circumscribed limits. They were philosophers ^^L, 
after the pattern of Montaigne, without having heard 1754. 
of him. The horse was their pride ; the county 
courts their holidays ; the race-course their delight. 
On permitting the increase of negro slavery opinions 
tvere nearly equally divided; but England kept 
slave-marts open at every court-house, as far, at least, 
as the Southwest Mountain, — partly to enrich her 
slave-merchants, partly, by balancing the races, to 
weaken the power of colonial resistance. The indus- 
try of the Virginians did not compete with that of 
the mother country ; they had few mariners, took no 
part in the fisheries, and built no ships for sale. 
British factors purchased their products and furnished 
their supplies. Their connection with the metropolis 
was more intimate than with the northern colonies. 
England was their market and their storehouse, and 
was still called their " home." 

Yet the prerogative had little support in Virginia. 
Its Assembly sent, when it would, its own special 
agent to England, elected the colonial treasurer, and 
conducted its deliberations with dignity and inde- 
pendence. Among the inhabitants, the pride of indi- 
vidual freedom paralyzed all royal influence. They 
were the more independent, because they were 
the oldest colony, the most numerous, the most opu- 
lent, and, in territory, by far the most extensive. 
The property of the crown in its unascertained 
domain was admitted, yet the mind easily made 
theories that invested the ownership rightfully in the 
colony itself. Its people spread more and more 
widely over the mild, productive, and enchanting ter- 
ritory They ascended rivers to the uplands, and 


chap, gathered in numbers in the valleys of its lovely 
^^ mountain ranges, where the productive red soil bore 
1754. wheat luxuriantly, and gave to fruits the most deli- 
cate flavor. In the pleasant region of Orange County, 
among its half-opened forests, in a home of plenty, 1 
there sported already on the lawn the child, Madison, 
. round whose gentle nature clustered the hopes of 
American union. Deeper in the wilderness, on the 
Highlands of Albemarle, Thomas Jefferson, son of a 
surveyor, of whose ancestral descent memory pre- 
served but one generation, dwelt on the skirt of for- 
est life, and from boyhood gazed on the loveliest of 
scenes, with no intercepting ridge between his dwell- 
ing-place and the far distant ocean ; a diligent stu- 
dent of the languages of Greece and Rome, and of 
France, treading the mountain-side with elastic step in 
pursuit of game. Beyond the Blue Ridge men came 
southward from the glades of Pennsylvania ; of most 
various nations, Irish, Scottish, and German; ever 
in strife with the royal officers ; occupying lands 
without allotment, or on mere warrants of survey, 
without patents or payment of quitrents ; baffling to 
the last the settled policy of England. Everywhere 
in Virginia the sentiment of individuality was the 
parent of its republicanism. Its dauntless mind, not 
dissenting from established forms, was impatient of 
restraint, and submitted only to self-direction.. 

1 The illustrious Madison detailed whole charge for keeping the boy 
to me incidents in his career from and his horse was eight pounds, 
his boyhood to his old age. He Virginia currency, for the year; 
was sent to school in King and for tuition, forty shillings a vent*. 
Queen's County to Donald Robert- In the former generation, Madi- 
son, a good scholar, an emigrant son's father went to school to 
from the Highlands of Scotland, Chancellor Pendleton's elder broth- 
suspected of having joined in the er, a good teacher, and the whole 
rebellion of 1745, and' of being a cost of board and instruction was 
Roman Catholic. Madison, when five pounds per annum. 
at school, had a pony, and the 


North of the Potomac, at the centre of America, chap. 


were the proprietary governments of Maryland and v^-L, 
of Pennsylvania, with Delaware. There the king 1754. 
had no officers but in the customs and the admiralty 
courts ; his name was hardly known in the acts of 
government, and could not set bounds to popular 

During the last war, Maryland enjoyed unbroken 
quiet, furnishing no levies of men for the army, and 
very small contributions of money. Its legislature 
hardly looked beyond its own internal affairs; and 
its rapid increase in numbers proved its prosperity. 
The youthful Frederic, Lord Baltimore, sixth of that 
title, dissolute and riotous, fond of wine to madness, 
and of women to folly, as a prince zealous for 
prerogative, though negligent of business, was the 
sole landlord of the province. To him seemed to 
belong the right of initiating all laws, though the 
popular branch of the legislature had assumed that 
power, leaving only to the proprietary a triple veto, 
by his council, by his deputy, and by himself. He 
established courts and appointed all their officers; 
punished convicted offenders, or pardoned them; 
appointed at pleasure councillors, all officers of the 
colony, and all the considerable county officers ; and 
possessed exclusively the unappropriated domain. 
Reserving choice lands for his own manors, he had 
the whole people for his tenants on quitrents, which, 
in 1754, exceeded twenty-five thousand dollars a year, 
and were rapidly increasing. On every new grant 
from the wild domain he received caution money ; 
his were all escheats, wardships, and fruits of the 
feudal tenures. Fines of alienation, though abolished 
in England, were paid for his benefit on every trans- 


chap, fer, and fines upon devises were still exacted. He 

^^1^ enjoyed a perpetual port duty of fourteen pence a 

1754. ton, on vessels not owned in the province, yielding 

not far from five thousand dollars a year ; and he 

also exacted a tribute for licenses to hawkers and 

pedlers, and to ordinaries. 

These were the private income of Lord Baltimore. 
For the public service he needed no annual grants. 
By an act of 1704, 1 which was held to be perma- 
nent, an export tax of a shilling on every hogshead 
of tobacco gave an annually increasing income of 
already not much less than seven thousand dollars, 
more than enough for the salary of his lieutenant- 
governor ; while other officers were paid by fees and 
perquisites. Thus the Assembly scarcely had occasion 
to impose taxes, except for the wages of its own 

Beside the power of appointing colonial officers, 
independent of the people, Lord Baltimore, as prince 
palatine, could raise his liegemen to defend his prov- 
ince. His was also the power to pass ordinances 
for the preservation of order ; to erect towns and 
cities; to grant titles of honor; and his the ad vow- 
son of every benefice. 2 The colonial act of 1702 had 
divided Maryland into parishes, and established the 
Anglican Church by an annual tax of forty pounds 
of tobacco on every poll. The parishes were about 
forty in number, increasing in value, some of them 
promising soon to yield a thousand pounds sterling a 
year. Thus the lewd Lord Baltimore had more 
church patronage than any landholder in England; 
andj as there was no bishop in America, ruffians, 

1 Bacon's Laws of Maryland, 8 Trott's Collection of Laws, &c, 
1704, c. x. 211. 172. 



fugitives from justice, men stained by intemperance chap. 
and lust, 1 (I write with caution, the distinct allega- s.-^ — 
tions being before me,) nestled themselves, through 1754. 
his corrupt and easy nature, in the parishes of 

The king had reserved no right of revising the 
•laws of Maryland, nor could he invalidate them, 
except as they should be found repugnant to those 
of England. Though the Acts of Trade were in force, 
the royal power was specially restrained " from im- 
posing or causing to be imposed any customs or 
other taxations, quotas, or contributions whatsoever, 
within the province, or upon any merchandise, whilst 
being laden or unladen in its ports." 2 The people, 
of whom about one-twelfth were Roman Catholics, 3 
shared power through the Assembly ; and as their 
soil had never been ravaged, their wealth never ex- 
hausted by taxation, the scattered planters enjoyed, 
in their delightful climate, as undisturbed and as 
happy a life as was compatible with the prevalence 
of negro slavery and the limitations on popular 

In Pennsylvania with the counties on Delaware, 
the people, whose numbers appeared to double in 
sixteen years, 4 were already the masters, and to dis- 
pute their authority was but to introduce an apparent 
anarchy. Of the noble territory the joint proprietors 
were Thomas and Richard Penn ; the former holding 
three quarters of the whole. Inheritance might sub- 

1 Several Letters of the Lieuten- 8 Charter for Maryland, § xvii. 

ant-governor Sharpe. But see in and § xx. 

particular H. Sharpe to Hammers- 3 The estimate is that of Lieu- 

ly, 22 June, 1768, and T. B. Chand- tenant-governor Sharpe. 
ler to S. Johnson, 9 June, 1767. 4 Franklin's Works, iv. 40. 


chap, divide it indefinitely. The political power that had 
v— v — - been bequeathed to them brought little personal 
1754. dignity or benefit. The wilderness domain was 
theirs ; though Connecticut, which claimed to extend 
to the Pacific, was already appropriating to itself a 
part of their territory, and, like the Penns, sought 
to confirm its claim by deeds from the Six Nations. 1 

The lieutenant-governor had a negative on legis- 
lation, but he himself depended on the Assembly for 
his annual support, and had often to choose between 
compliance and poverty. To the Council, whom the 
proprietaries appointed, and to the proprietaries 
themselves, the right to revise legislative acts was 
denied, and long usage confirmed the denial. 2 In 
the land of the Penns, the legislature had but one 
branch, and of that branch Benjamin Franklin was 
the soul. It had an existence of its own; could 
meet on its own adjournments, and no power could 
prorogue or dissolve it ; but a swift responsibility 
brought its members annually before their constitu- 
ents. The Assembly would not allow the proprie- 
taries in England to name judges ; they were to be 
named by the lieutenant-governor on the spot, and 
like him depended on the Assembly for the profit 
of their posts. All sheiifis and coroners were chosen 
by the people. Moneys were raised by an excise, 
and were kept and were disbursed by provincial 
commissioners. The land-office was under proprie- 
tary control, and, to balance its political influence, 
the Assembly passionately insisted on continuing 

1 Treaty between the Connecti- Chiefs of the Six Nations, Albany, 
cut Susquehanna Company and 11 July, 1754. 

8 Proud's Pennsylvania, ii. 284. 


under their own supervision the loan-office of paper chap. 
money. - — , — - 

The laws established for Pennsylvania complete 1754. 
enfranchisement in the domain of thought. Its able 
press developed the principles of civil rights ; its 
principal city cherished science ; and, by private mu- 
nificence, a ship, at the instance of Franklin, had at- 
tempted to discover the Northwestern passage. 1 A 
library, too, was endowed, and an academy chartered, 
giving the promise of intellectual activity and inde- 
pendence. No oaths or tests barred the avenue to 
public posts. The Church of England, unaided by 
law, competed with all forms of dissent. The Pres- 
byterians, who were willing to fight for their liberties, 
began to balance the enthusiasts, who were ready to 
suffer for them. Yet the Quakers, humblest amongst 
plebeian sects, and boldest of them all, — disjoined 
from the Middle Age without even a shred or a mark 
of its bonds, — abolishing not the aristocracy of the 
sword only, but all war, — not prelacy and priestcraft 
only, but outward symbols and ordinances, external 
sacraments and forms, — pure spiritualists, and apostles 
of the power and the freedom of mind, — still swayed 
legislation and public opinion. Ever restless of au- 
thority, they were jealous of the new generation of 
proprietaries who had fallen off from their society, 
regulated the goverirment with a view to their own 
personal profit, shunned taxation of their colonial 
estates, and would not answer as equals to the plain, 
untitled names, which alone the usages of the Society 
of Friends allowed. 2 

1 MS. Letter of B. Franklin, 2 Letters of T. & J. Penn to the 

Philadelphia, 28 Feb. 1753. Lt. Governor of Pennsylvania. 


chap. New Jersey, now a royal government, enjoyed, 
_^ with the aged Belcher, comparative tranquillity. 
1754. The generality of the people he found to be "very 
rustical," and deficient in " learning." 1 To the Cal- 
vinist governor the Quakers of this province seemed 
to want a orthodoxy in the principles of religion ;" 
but he parried for them the oppressive disposition of 
the Board of Trade, and the rapacity of the great 
claimants of lands, who held seats in the Council. 
"I have to steer," he would say, "between Scylla 
and Charybdis ; to please the king's ministers at 
home, and a touchy people here ; to luff for one, and 
bear away for another." 2 Sheltered by its position, 
New Jersey refused to share the expense of Indian 
alliances, often left its own annual expenses unpro- 
vided for, and, instead of showing zeal in assuming the 
burdens of war, its gentle and most obstinate enthu- 
siasts trusted in the extension of the peaceable king- 
dom " from sea to sea," and the completion of the 
prophecies, that u nation shall not lift up the sword 
against nation, nor learn war any more." 

There, too, on the banks of the Delaware, men 
that labored for inward stillness, and to live in the 
spirit of truth, learned to love God in all his manifes- 
tations in the visible world ; and they testified against 
cruelty towards the least creature in whom his breath 
had kindled the flame of life. Conscious of an en- 
largement of gospel love, John ^oolman, a tailor by 
trade, content in the happiness of humility, " stood up 
like a trumpet, through which the Lord speaks to his 
people," 3 to make the negro masters sensible of the 

1 Gov. Belcher to the Earl of 3 A testimony of the Monthly 
Leven. Meeting of Friends, held in Bur* 

2 Belcher to Sir Peter Warren, lington, K J. 


evil of holding the people of Africa in slavery f. and chap 
by his testimony at the meetings of Friends, recom- ^^^ 
mended that oppressed part of the creation to the 1754. 
notice of each individual and of the society. Having 
discerned by a bright and radiant light the certain 
evidence of divine truth, and not fearing to offend 
man by its simplicity, he travelled much on the con- 
tinent of America, and would say to thoughtful men, 
that " a people used to labor moderately for their 
living, training up their children in frugality and 
business, have a happier ]ife than those who live on 
the labor of slaves ; that freemen find satisfaction in 
improving and providing for their families ; but ne- 
groes, laboring to support others who claim them as 
their property, and expecting nothing but slavery 
during life, have not the like inducement to be indus- 
trious." " Men having power," he continued, " too 
often misapply it ; though we make slaves of the ne- 
groes, and the Turks make slaves of the Christians, 
liberty is the natural right of all men equally." 2 

" The slaves," said he, " look to me like a burden- 
some stone to such who burden themselves with them. 
The burden will grow heavier and heavier, till times 
change in a way disagreeable to us." "It may be 
just," answered one of his hearers, a for the Almighty 
so to order it." And while he had fresh and heaven- 
ly openings in respect to the care and providence of 
the Almighty over man, as the most noble amongst 
his creatures which are visible, and was fully per- 
suaded, that as the life of Christ comes to reism in the 
earth, all abuse and unnecessary oppression will draw 

1 The Testimony of Friends in 50, 51. I am indebted to some un- 

Yorkshire. named friend for a copy of this un~ 

8 The Life and Travels of John commonly beautiful specimen of 

Woolman. 5th edition, 25, 28, 47, spiritual autobiography. 


chap, towards an end, yet, under the sense of the overflow- 
^^^ ing stream of unrighteousness, his life was often a life 
1754. of mourning; and it was a matter fixed in his mind, 
that this trade of importing slaves, and way of life in 
keeping them, were dark gloominess hanging over the 
land. "Though many willingly ran into it, yet the 
consequences would be grievous to posterity." There- 
fore he went about, environed with heavenly light 
and consolation, persuading men that " the practice of 
continuing slavery was not right;" and in calmest 
and most guarded words he endeavored, through the 
press, 1 " to raise an idea of a general brotherhood, and 
a disposition easy to be touched with a feeling of each 
other's afflictions.'" The men whom he addressed on 
both banks of the Delaware were not agreed, in all 
the branches of the question, on the propriety of 
keeping negroes ; yet generally the spirit of emanci- 
pation was prevailing, and their masters began the 
work of setting them free, a because they had no con- 
tract for their labor, and liberty was their right." 

But New- York was at this time the central point 
of political interest. Its position invited it to foster 
American union. Having the most convenient har- 
bor on the Atlantic, with bays expanding on either 
hand, and a navigable river penetrating the interior, 
it held the keys of Canada and the Lakes. Crown 
Point and Niagara, monuments of French ambition, 
were encroachments upon its hunts. Its unsurveyed 
inland frontier, sweeping round on the north, disputed 
with New Hampshire the land between Lake Cham- 

1 The works of John WooL- Negroes. First printed in the year 
man. Part the Second. Some 1754. 
Considerations on the Keeping of 


plain and the Connecticut, and extended into unmea- chap. 

.... VI 

sured distances in the west. "Within its bosom, at ^^ 

Onondaga, burned the council-fire of the Six Nations, 1754. 
whose irregular bands had seated themselves near 
Montreal, on the northern shore of Ontario, and on 
the Ohio ; whose hunters roamed over the North- 
west and the "West ; whose war-parties had for ages 
strolled to Carolina. Here were concentrated by far 
the most important Indian relations, round which the 
great idea of a general union was shaping itself into a 
reality. It was to still the hereditary warfare of the 
Six Nations with the Southern Indians, that South 
Carolina and Massachusetts first met at Albany; 
it was to confirm friendship with them and their 
allies, that New England, and all the Central States 
but New Jersey, had assembled in congress. But a 
higher principle was needed to blend the several 
colonies under one sovereignty ; that principle also 
existed on the banks of the Hudson, and the states- 
men of New York clung perseveringly and with- 
out wavering to faith in a united American empire. 
England never possessed the affection of the coun- 
try which it had acquired by conquest. British offi- 
cials sent home complaints of " the Dutch republicans " 
as disloyal. The descendants of the Huguenot refu- 
gees were taunted with their origin, and invited to 
accept English liberties gratefully as a boon. No- 
where was the collision between the royal governor 
and the colonial Assembly so violent or so inveterate. 
Nowhere had the legislature, by its method of grant- 
ing money, so nearly exhausted and appropriated to 
itself all executive authority. Nowhere had the rela- 
tions of the province to -Great Britain been more 

VOL. IV. 13 


chap, sharply controverted. The Board of Trade esteemed 
• — , — f the provincial legislature to be subordinate, resting for 
1754> its existence on acts of the royal prerogative, the 
king's commissions and the king's instructions, and pos- 
sessed of none of the attributes of sovereignty ; while 
the people looked upon their representatives as a body 
participant in sovereignty, existing by an inherent 
right, and co-ordinate with the British House of Com- 

Affairs of religion also involved political strife. In 
a province chiefly of Calvinists, the English Church 
was favored, though not established by law ; but an 
act of the prerogative, which limited the selection of 
the president of the provincial college to those in 
communion with the Church of England, agitated the 
public mind, and united the Presbyterians in distrust 
of the royal authority. 

The Laws of Trade excited still more resistance. 
Why should a people, of whom one half were of 
foreign ancestry, be cut off from all the world but 
England? Why must the children of Holland be 
debarred from the ports of the Netherlands? Why 
must their ships seek the produce of Europe, and, by 
a later law, the produce of Asia, in English harbors 
alone? Why were negro slaves the only consider- 
able object of foreign commerce which England did 
not compel to be first landed on its shores ? The 
British restrictive system was never acknowledged by 
~New York as valid, and was transgressed by all Ame- 
rica, but most of all by this province, to an extent 
that could not easily be imagined. Especially the 
British ministry had been invited, in 1*752, to observe, 
that, while the consumption of tea was annually in- 
creasing in America, the export from England was 


decreasing. 1 For the next twenty years, England chap. 
sought for a remedy ; and, meantime, the little island ^^ 
of St. Eustatia, a heap of rocks, but two leagues in 1754. 
length by one in breadth, without a rivulet or a spring, 
gathered in its storehouses the products of Holland, 
of the Orient, of the world ; and its harbor was more 
and more filled with fleets of colonial trading-vessels, 
which, if need were, completed their cargoes by enter- 
ing the French islands with Dutch papers. The 
British statutes, which made the commercial relations 
of America to England not a union, but a bondage, 
did but disguise the foreign trade which they affected 
to prevent. America bought of England hardly more 
than she would have done on the system of freedom ; 
and this small advantage was dearly purchased by the 
ever-increasing cost of cruisers, custom-house officers, 
and vice-admiralty courts ; so that Great Britain, after 
deducting its expenses, received, it was said, less bene- 
fit from the trade of New York than the Hanse Towns 
and Holland ; while the oppressive character of the 
metropolitan legislature made the merchants principal 
supporters of what royalists called " faction." 

The large landholders — whose grants, originally • 
prodigal, irregular, and ill-defined, promised opulence 
for generations — were equally jealous of British 
authority, which threatened to bound their preten- 
sions, or question their titles, or, through parliament, 
to impose a land-tax. The lawyers of the colony, 
chiefly Presbyterians, and educated in Connecticut, 
joined heartily with the merchants and the great 

1 Clinton to Board of Trade, 4 easy to imagine to what an enor- 

October, 1752. " The faction in mous height this transgression of 

this province consists chiefly of the Laws of Trade goes in North 

merchants." " Entire disregard of America," &c, &c. N. Y. London 

the Laws of Trade." " It is not Documents, xxx. 43. 



chap, proprietors to resist every encroachment from Eng- 
v _ rW land; meeting* the political theories of colonial subor- 
1754. dination at the threshold; teaching the method of 
increasing colonial power by the system of annual 
grants; demanding permanent commissions for their 
judicial officers ; opposing the extension of the admi- 
ralty jurisdiction ; and vehemently resisting the admis- 
sion of bishops, as involving ecclesiastical courts 
and new prerogatives. In no province was the near 
approach of independence discerned so clearly, or so 
openly predicted. 

New York had been settled under large patents of 
lands to individuals; New England under grants to 
towns ; and the institution of towns was its glory and 
its strength. The inhabited part of Massachusetts 
was recognised as divided into little territories, each 
of which, for its internal purposes, constituted a sepa- 
rate integral government, free from supervision, having 
power to choose annually its own officers; to hold 
meetings of all freemen at its own pleasure ; to discuss 
in those meetings any subject of public interest ; to see 
that every able-bodied man within its precincts was 
duly enrolled in the militia and always provided with 
arms, ready for immediate use ; to elect and to instruct 
its representatives; to raise and appropriate money 
for the support of the ministry, of schools, of high- 
ways, of the poor, and for defraying other necessary 
expenses within the town. It was incessantly deplored 
by royalists of* later days, that the law which con- 
firmed these liberties had received the unconscious 
sanction of William the Third, and the most exten- 
sive interpretation in practice. Boston, even, on more 
than one occasion, ventured in town meeting to ap- 


point its own agent to present a remonstrance to the chap. 
Board of Trade. 1 New Hampshire, Connecticut, _,_, 
Rhode Island, and Maine, which was a part of Massa- 1754. 
chusetts, had similar regulations; so that all New 
England was an aggregate of organized democracies. 
But »the complete development of the institution was 
to be found in Connecticut and the Massachusetts 
Bay. There each township was also substantially a 
territorial parish ; the town was the religious congre- 
gation; the independent church was established by 
law, the minister was elected by the people, who 
annually made grants for his support. There, too, the 
system of free schools was carried to great perfection ; 
so that there could not be found an adult born in New 
England unable to write and read. He that will un- 
derstand the political character of New England in 
the eighteenth century, must study the constitution of 
its towns, its congregations, its schools, and its militia. 2 
Yet in these democracies the hope of indepen- 
dence, as a near event, had not dawned. Driven from 
England by the persecution of the government, its 
inhabitants still clung with confidence and persevering 
affection to the land of their ancestry, the people of 
their kindred, and the nationality of their language. 
They were of homogeneous origin, nearly all tracing 
their descent to English emigrants of the reigns of 
Charles the First and Charles the Second. They 
were a frugal and industrious race. Along the sea- 
side, wherever there was a good harbor, fishermen, 
familiar with the ocean, gathered in hamlets; and 
each returning season saw them with an ever increas- 
ing number of mariners and vessels, taking the cod 

1 Shirley to the Board of Trade, 8 John Adams : Works, v. 495. 
January, 1755. 



chap, and mackerel, and sometimes pursuing the whale into 
^^^ the icy labyrinths of the Northern seas; yet loving 
1754. home, and dearly attached to their modest freeholds. 
At Boston a society was formed for promoting domes- 
tic manufactures: on one of its anniversaries, three 
hundred young women appeared on the common,, clad 
in homespun, seated in a triple row, each with a spin- 
ning-wheel, and each busily transferring the flax from 
the distaff to the spool. The town built " a manu- 
facturing house," and there were bounties to en- 
courage the workers in linen. How the Board of 
Trade were alarmed at the news ! How they cen- 
sured Shirley for not having frowned on the busi- 
ness! How committees of the House of Commons 
examined witnesses, and made proposals for prohib- 
itory laws, till at last the Boston manufacturing 
house, designed to foster home industry, fell into 
decay, a commentary on the provident care of Eng- 
land for her colonies ! Of slavery there was not 
enough to affect the character of the people, except 
in the southeast of Rhode Island, where Newport 
was conspicuous for engaging in the slave-trade, and 
where, in two or three towns, negroes composed even 
a third of the inhabitants. 

In the settlements which grew up in the interior, 
on the margin of the greenwood, the plain meeting- 
house of the congregation for public worship was 
every where the central point ; near it stood the pub- 
he school, by the side of the very broad road, over 
wliich wheels enough did not pass to do more than 
mark the path by ribbons in the sward. The snug 
farm-houses, owned as freeholds, without quitrents, 
were dotted along the way; and the village pastor 
among his people, enjoying the calm raptures of devo- 


tion, " appeared like such a little white flower as we chap. 
see in the spring of the year, low and humble on the ^^ 
ground, standing peacefully and lovingly in the midst 1754. 
of the flowers round about ; all, in like manner, open- 
ing their bosoms to drink in the light of the sun." l 
In every hand was the Bible ; every home was a house 
of prayer ; in every village all had been taught, many 
had comprehended, a methodical theory of the divine 
purpose in creation, and of the destiny of man. 

Child of the Reformation, closely connected with 
the past centuries and with the greatest intellectual 
struggles of mankind, New England had been planted 
by enthusiasts who feared no sovereign but God. In 
the universal degeneracy and ruin of the Roman 
world, when freedom, laws, imperial rule, municipal 
authority, social institutions, were swept away, — ■ 
when not a province, nor city, nor village, nor family 
was safe, Augustin, the African bishop, with a burn- 
ing heart, confident that, though Rome tottered, the 
hope of man would endure, rescued from the wreck 
of the old world the truths that would renew human- 
ity, and sheltered them in the cloister, among succes- 
sive generations of men, who were insulated by their 
vows from decaying society, bound to the state nei- 
ther by ambition, nor by allegiance, nor by the sweet 
attractions of wife and child. 

After the sighs and sorrows of centuries, in the 
dawn of serener days, an Augustine monk, having 
also a heart of flame, seized on the same great ideas, 
and he and his followers, with wives and children, 

1 Autobiographical Sketch of this sketch ; he used to speak of it, 

Jonathan Edwards in Works, i. 28. page 35, 36, as containing the most 

Worcester Edition. The late Dr. vivid expression of an overpower- 

Channing called my attention to ing sense of God's omnipresence. 


chap, restored them to the world. At his bidding, truth 
s_^_ leaped over the cloister walls, and challenged every 
1754. rnan to make her his guest; aroused every intelli- 
gence to acts of private judgment; changed a de- 
pendent, recipient people into a reflecting, inquiring 
people ; lifted each human being out of the castes of 
the Middle Age, to endow him with individuality, 
and summoned man to stand forth as man. The 
world heaved with the fervent conflict of opinion. 
The people and their guides recognised the dignity of 
labor ; the oppressed peasantry took up arms for lib- 
erty ; men reverenced and exercised the freedom of 
the soul. The breath of the new spirit moved over 
the earth ; it revived Poland, animated Germany, 
swayed the North ; and the inquisition of Spain 
could not silence its whispers among the mountains of 
the Peninsula. It invaded France ; and though bon- 
fires, by way of warning, were made of heretics at the 
gates of Paris, it infused itself into the French mind, 
and led to unwonted free discussions. . Exile could 
not quench it. On the banks of the Lake of Geneva, 
Calvin stood forth the boldest reformer of his day ; 
not personally engaging in political intrigues, yet, by 
promulgating great ideas, forming the seedplot of 
revolution ; bowing only to the Invisible ; acknow- 
ledging no sacrament of ordination but the choice of 
the laity, no patent of nobility but that of the elect 
of God, with its seals of eternity. 

Luther's was still a Catholic religion ; it sought to 
instruct all, to confirm all, to sanctify all ; and so, 
under the shelter of principalities, it gave established 
forms to Protestant Germany, and Sweden, and Den- 
mark, and England. But Calvin taught an exclusive i 
doctrine, which, though it addressed itself to all, 


rested only on the chosen. Lutheranism was, there- chap. 
fore, not a political party; it included prince, and ^^ 
noble, and peasant. Calvinism was revolutionary; 1754. 
wherever it came, it created division ; its symbol, as 
set upon the " Institutes " of its teacher, was a flam- 
ing sword. By the side of the eternal mountains, 
and the perennial snows, and the arrowy rivers of 
Switzerland, it established a religion without a pre- 
late, a government without a king. Fortified by its 
faith in fixed decrees, it kept possession of its homes 
among the Alps. It grew powerful in France, and 
invigorated, between the feudal nobility and the 
crown, the long contest, which did not end, till the 
subjection of the nobility, through the central despot- 
ism, prepared the ruin of that despotism, by promot- 
ing the equality of the commons. It entered Holland, 
inspiring an industrious nation with heroic enthusiasm ; 
enfranchising and uniting provinces ; and making 
burghers, and weavers, and artisans, victors over the 
highest orders of Spanish chivalry, over the power of 
the inquisition, and the pretended majesty of kings. 
It penetrated Scotland: and while its whirlwind 
bore along persuasion among glens and mountains, it 
shrunk from no danger, and hesitated at no ambition; 
it nerved its rugged but hearty envoy to resist the 
flatteries of the beautiful Queen Mary ; it assumed the 
education of her only son ; it divided the nobility ; 
it penetrated the masses, overturned the ancient 
ecclesiastical establishment, planted the free parochial 
school, and gave a living energy to the principle 
of liberty in a people. It infused itself into Eng- 
land, and placed its plebeian sympathies in daring 
resistance to the courtly hierarchy : dissenting from 
dissent; longing to introduce the reign of righ- 


chap, teousness, it invited every man to read the 
v^^-L Bible, and made itself dear to the common mind, 
1754. by teaching, as a divine revelation, the unity of the 
race and the natural equality of man ; it claimed 
for itself freedom of utterance, and through the pul- 
pit, in eloquence imbued with the authoritative 
words of prophets and apostles, spoke to the whole 
congregation ; it sought new truth, denying the sanc- 
tity of the continuity of tradition ; it stood up 
against the Middle Age and its forms in church 
and state, hating them with a fierce and unquenchable 

Imprisoned, maimed, oppressed at home, its inde- 
pendent converts in Great Britain looked beyond the 
Atlantic for a better world. Their energetic passion 
was nurtured by trust in the divine protection, their 
power of will was safely intrenched in their own 
vigorous creed ; and under the banner of the gospel, 
with the fervid and enduring love of the myriads 
who in Europe adopted the stern simplicity of the 
discipline of Calvin, they sailed for the wilderness, 
far away from " popery and prelacy," from the tra- 
ditions of the church, from hereditary power,, from 
the sovereignty of an earthly king, — from all domin- 
ion but the Bible, and " what arose from natural 
reason and the principles of equity." 

The ideas which had borne the "New England emi- 
grants to this transatlantic world were polemic and 
republican in their origin and their tendency. And 
how had the centuries matured the contest for 
mankind! Against the authority of the church of 
the Middle Ages Calvin arrayed the authority of the 
Bible ; the time was come to connect religion and 


philosophy, and show the harmony between faith and chap. 
reason. Against the feudal aristocracy the plebeian w^ 
reformer summoned the spotless nobility of the elect, 1754. 
foreordained from the beginning of the world ; but 
New England, which had no hereditary caste to beat 
down, ceased to make predestination its ruling idea, 
and, maturing a character of its own, 

" Saw love attractive every system bind." 

The transition had taken place from the haughtiness 
of its self-assertion against the pride of feudalism, to 
the adoption of Love as the benign spirit which was 
to animate its new teachings in politics and religion. 

From God were derived its theories of ontology, 
of ethics, of science, of happiness, of human perfecti- 
bility, and of human liberty. 

God himself is " in effect universal Being." Na- 
ture in its amplitude is but " an emanation of his own 
infinite fulness f a flowing forth and expression of 
himself in objects of his benevolence. In every thing 
there is a calm, sweet cast of divine glory. He com- 
prehends " all entity and all excellence in his own es- 
sence." Creation proceeded from a disposition in the 
fulness of Divinity to flow out and diffuse its exist- 
ence. The infinite Being is Being in general. His 
existence being infinite, comprehends universal exist- 
ence. There are and there can be no beings distinct 
and independent. God is " All and alone." l 

The glory of God is the ultimate end of moral 
goodness, which in the creature is love to the Creator. 
Virtue consists in public affection or general benevo- 
lence. But as to the New England mind God in- 

1 End for which God created the World, in Works of Edwardf 
7i. 33, 53, 58, 59, and Works, i. 35. 


<chap. eluded universal being, to love God seemed to in- 
w^, elude love to all that exists ; and was, therefore, in 
1754. opposition to selfishness, the sum of all morality, 
the universal benevolence comprehending all righ- 
teousness. 1 

God is the fountain of light and knowledge, so 
that truth in man is but a conformity to God ; know- 
ledge in man, but " the image of God's own know- 
ledge of himself." Nor is there a motive to repress 
speculative inquiry. " There is no need," said Edwards, 
" that the strict philosophic truth should be at all 
concealed from men." "The more clearly and fully 
the true system of the universe is known the better." 
Nor can any outward authority rule the mind ; the 
revelations of God, being emanations from the infinite 
fountain of knowledge, have a certainty and reality ; 
they accord with reason and common sense ; and give 
direct, intuitive, and all-conquering evidence of their 
divinity. 2 

God is the source of happiness. His angels minis- 
ter to his servants ; the vast multitudes of his ene- 
mies are as great heaps of light chaff before the 
whirlwind. Against his enemies the bow of God's 
wrath is bent, and the arrow made ready on the 
string, and justice bends the arrow at their heart, and 
strains the bow. 8 God includes all being and all 
holiness. Enmity with him is enmity with all true 
life and power ; an infinite evil, fraught with infinite 
and endless woe. To exist in union with him is the 
highest well-being, that shall increase in glory and 
joy throughout eternity. 

1 J. Edwards' Works, vi. 53, 73, * Edwards' Works, vi. 38, &c, L 
&c. 61, v. 348, iv. 230, 238. 

8 Edwards' Works, vii. 488, 496 


God is his own chief end in creation. But as he chap. 

• VI 

includes all being, his glory includes the glory and the <_^L 
perfecting of the universe. The whole human race, 1754. 
throughout its entire career of existence, hath oneness 
and identity, and " constitutes one complex person," 
" one moral whole." i The glory of God includes the 
redemption and glory of humanity. From the mo- 
ment of creation to the final judgment, it is all one 
work. Every event which has swayed " the state of 
the world of mankind," " all its revolutions," proceed 
as it was determined, towards " the glorious time that 
shall be in the latter days," when the new shall be 
more excellent than the old. 

God is the absolute sovereign, doing according to 
his will in the armies of heaven, and among the 
inhabitants on earth. Scorning the thought of free 
agency as breaking the universe of action into count- 
less fragments, the greatest number in New England 
held that every volition, even of the humblest of the 
people, is obedient to the fixed decrees of Providence, 
and participates in eternity. 

Yet while the common mind of New England was 
inspired by the great thought of the sole sovereignty 
of God, it did not lose personality and human free- 
dom in pantheistic fatalism. Like Augustin, who 
made war both on Manicheans and Pelagians, — like 
the Stoics, whose morals it most nearly adopted, it 
asserted by just dialectics, or, as some would say, by 
a sublime inconsistency, the power of the individual 
will. In every action it beheld the union of the mo- 
live and volition. The action, it saw, was according 
to the strongest motive, and it knew that what proves 

1 Edwards' Works, vi. 437, 439, v. 129, &c, ii. 377. 

VOL. IV 14 


chap, the strongest motive depends on the character 
^^ of the will. Hence, the education of that faculty 
1754. was, of all . concerns, the most momentous. The 
Calvinist of New England, who longed to be 
" morally good and excellent," had no other object 
of moral effort than to make " the will truly lovely 
and right." 

Action, therefore, as flowing from an energetic, 
right, and lovely will, was the ideal of ■ New Eng- 
land. It rejected the asceticism of entire spiritual- 
ists, and fostered the whole man, seelnng to 
perfect his intelligence and improve his outward 
condition. It saw in every one the divine and the 
human nature. It did not extirpate, but only sub- 
jected the inferior principles. 1 It placed no merit in 
vows of poverty or celibacy, and spurned the thought 
of non-resistance. In a good cause its people were 
ready to take up arms and fight, cheered by the 
conviction that God was working in them both to 
will and to do. 

1 Edwards' Works, vi. 428, 430. 




Such was America, where the people was rapidly c *^ p 
becoming sovereign. It was the moment when the ^rcT 
aristocracy of England, availing itself of the formulas 
of the Eevolution of 1688, controlled the election of 
the House of Commons, and possessed the govern- 

To gain a seat in parliament, the Great Com- 
moner himself 1 was forced to solicit the nomination 
and patronage of the duke of Newcastle. On the 
death of Henry Pelham, in March, 1754, Newcastle, 
to the astonishment of all men, declaring he had 
been second minister long enough, placed himself at 
the head of the treasury ; 2 and desired Henry Fox, 

1 Mr. Pitt to the duke of New- 2 Orford's Memoires of the last 
castle, in Chatham Correspond- Ten Years of the Keign of George 
ence, i. 85, 86. the Second, i. 331. 


C y^' then secretary at war, to take the seals and conduct 
^^ the House of Commons. The " political adventurer," 
who had vigor of mind and excelled in quick and 
concise replication, asked to be made acquainted with 
the disposition of the secret service money. " My 
brother," said Newcastle, "never disclosed the dis- 
posal of that money, neither will I." "Then," re- 
joined Fox, "I shall not know how to talk to mem- 
bers of parliament, when some may have received 
gratifications, others not." He further inquired, how 
the next parliament, of which the election drew near, 
was to be secured. "My brother," answered New- 
castle, " had settled it all." 

Fox declining the promotion offered him, the in- 
efficient Holdernesse was transferred to the North- 
ern Department ; and Sir Thomas Eobinson, a dull 
pedant, lately a subordinate at the Board of Trade, 
was selected for the Southern, with the manage- 
ment of the new House of Commons. " The duke," 
said Pitt, " might as well send his jackboot to lead 
us." The House abounded in noted men. Besides 
Pitt, and Fox, and Murray, the heroes of a hun- 
dred magnificent debates, there was " the universally 
able" 1 George Grenville ; the solemn Sir George 
Lyttleton, known as a poet, historian and orator ; 
Hillsborough, industrious, precise, well meaning, but 
without sagacity; the arrogant, unstable Sackville, 
proud of his birth, ambitious of the highest stations ; 
the amiable, candid, irresolute Conway ; Charles 

1 Mr. Pitt to the Earl of Hardwicke, 6 Aprtt, 1754, in Chatham 
Correspondence, i. 106. 


Townshend, confident in his ability, and flushed with chap. 
success. Then, too, the young Lord North, well ^^ 
educated, abounding in good-humor, made his entrance 1754. 
into public life with such universal favor, that every 
company resounded with the praises of his parts and 
merit. But Newcastle had computed what he might 
dare ; at the elections, corruption had returned a ma- 
jority devoted to the minister who was incapable of 
settled purposes or consistent conduct. The period * 
when the English aristocracy ruled with the least 
admixture of royalty or popularity was the period 
when the British empire was the worst governed. 

One day, a member, who owed his seat to bribery, 
defended himself in a speech full of wit, humor, and 
buffoonery, which kept the House in a continued roar 
of laughter. With all the fire of his eloquence, and 
in the highest tone of grandeur, Pitt, incensed against 
his patron, gave a rebuke to their mirth. " The dig- 
nity of the House of Commons," he cried, " has, by 
gradations, been diminishing for years, till now we 
are brought to the very brink of the precipice, where, 
if ever, a stand must be made, unless you will degen- 
erate into a little assembly, serving no other purpose 
than to register the arbitrary edicts of one too pow- 
erful subject." 1 " We are designed to be an appendix 

to 1 know not what ; I have no name for it," — 

meaning the House of Lords. 

Thus did Pitt oppose to corrupt influence his 
genius and his gift of speaking well. Sir Thomas 
Robinson, on the same day, called on his majority to 
show spirit. " Can gentlemen," he demanded, " can 

1 Fox in Waldegrave's Memoirs, 147. 


chap, merchants, can the House bear, if eloquence alone is 
w^L/ to carry it ? I hope words alone will not prevail ;" l 
1754. and the majority came to his aid. Even Fox, who 
" despised care for the constitution as the object of 
narrow minds," 2 complained # to the heir of the Duke 
of Devonshire, that, " taking all share of power from 
the Commons is not the way to preserve "Whig 
liberty. The Lords stand between the crown and 
the privilege of both peers and commons ;" " after we 
are nothing," he continued, addressing the great chief- 
tains of the Whig clans, "you will not long continue 
what you wish to be." 8 George the Second, the aged 
king, was even more impatient of this thraldom to 
the aristocracy, which would not leave him a nega- 
tive, still less an option in the choice of his servants. 
" The English notions of liberty," thought he, " must 
be somewhat singular, when the chief of the nobility 
choose rather to be the dependents and followers of a 
Duke of Newcastle than to be the friends and coun- 
sellors of their sovereign." 4 The king was too old to 
resist ; but the first political lessons which his grand- 
son, Prince George, received at Leicester House, were 
such a use of the forms of the British constitution as 
should emancipate the royal authority from its humil- 
iating dependence on a few great families. Thus Pitt 
and Prince George became allies, moving from most 
opposite points against the same influence — Pitt 
wishing to increase the force of popular representa- 
tion, and Leicester House to recover independence for 
the prerogative. 

These tendencies foreshadowed an impending 

1 Walpole's Memoirs of George 3 Waldegrave's Memoirs, 20 
II. i. 355. and 152. 

2 Chesterfield on Fox. 4 Ibid. 133. 


change in the great Whig party of England. The chap. 
fires had gone out ; the ashes on its altars were grown _^L 
cold. It must be renovated or given over to dissolu- 1754. 
tion. It had accomplished its original purposes, and 
was relapsing into a state of chaos. Now that the 
principle of its former cohesion and activity had ex- 
hausted its power, and that it rested only. on its tradi- 
tions, intestine divisions and new combinations would 
necessarily follow. The Whigs had, by the Revolu- 
tion of 1688, adjusted a compromise between the 
liberty of the industrial classes and the old feudal 
aristocracy, giving internal rest after a long conflict. 
With cold and unimpassioned judgment they had 
seated the House of Hanover on the English throne, 
in the person of a lewd, vulgar and ill-bred prince, 
who was neither born nor educated among them, nor 
spoke their language, nor understood their constitu- 
tion ; and who yet passively gave the name of his House 
as a watchword for toleration in the church, freedom 
of thinking and of speech, the security of property 
under the sanction of law, the safe enjoyment of Eng- 
lish liberty. They had defended this wise and deli- 
berate act against the wounded hereditary affections 
and the monarchical propensities of the rural districts 
of the nation ; till at last their fundamental measures 
had ceased to clash with the sentiment of the people, 
and the whole aristocracy had accepted their doc- 
trines. Murray, afterwards Lord Mansfield, called 
himself a Whig, was one of the brightest ornaments of 
the party, and after Hardwicke, their oracle on ques- 
tions of law. Cumberland, Newcastle, Devonshire, 
Bedford, Halifax, and the Marquis of Rockingham, 
were all reputed Whigs. So were George and 
Charles Townshend, the young Lord North, Gren- 


chap, ville, Conway and Sackville. On the vital elements 
^^ of civil liberty, the noble families which led the seve- 
1754. ral factions had no systematic opinions. They knew 
not that America, which demanded their attention, 
would amalgamate the cause of royalty and oligarchy, 
and create parties in England on questions which the 
Ee volution. of 1688 had not even considered. 

It was because the Whig party at this time had 
proposed to itself nothing great to accomplish, that 'it 
was possible for a man like Newcastle to be at its 
head ; with others like Holdernesse, and the dull Sir 
Thomas Eobinson, for the secretaries of state. The 
new system of governing America became one of the 
first objects of their attention ; and, with the incon- 
siderate levity, rashness, and want of principle that 
mark imbecile men in the conduct of affairs, they 
were ever ready to furnish precedents for future mea- 
sures of oppression. The Newcastle ministry pro- 
ceeded without regard to method, consistency, or law. 

The province of New York had replied to the 
condemnation of its policy, contained in Sir Danvers 
Osborne's instructions, by a well-founded impeachment 
of Clinton for embezzling public funds and concealing 
it by false accounts ; for gaining undue profits from 
extravagant grants of lands, and grants to him- 
self under fictitious names ; and for selling civil and 
military ofiices. These grave accusations were neg- 

But the province had also complained that its 
legislature had been directed to obey the king's in- 
structions. They insisted that such instructions, 
though a rule of conduct to his governor, were not the 
measure of obedience to the people ; that the rule of 


obedience was positive law ; that a command to grant chap. 
money was neither constitutional nor legal ; being in- ^^ 
consistent with the freedom of debate and the rights 1754. 
of the assembly, whose power to prepare and pass the 
bills granting money, was admitted by the crown. 1 It 
was under these influences that the Assembly of New 
York, in a loyal address to the king, had justified their 
conduct. The Newcastle administration trimmed be- 
tween the contending parties. It did not adopt effec- 
tive measures to enforce its orders ; while it yet 
applauded the conduct of the Board of Trade, 2 and 
summarily condemned the colony by rejecting its 
address. 3 But the opinion of the best English law- 
yers 4 became more and more decided against the 
legality of a government by royal instructions ; en- 
couraging the Americans to insist on the right of their 
legislatures to deliberate freely and come to their own 
conclusions; and on the other hand leading British 
statesmen to the belief, that the rule for the colonies 
must be prescribed by an act of the British parlia- 

The feebleness of the ministry, in which there was 
not one single statesman of talent enough to avoid a 
conflict with France, encouraged the ambition of that 
power. At the same time it was seen that the people 
of America, if they would act in concert, could ad- 
vance the English flag through Canada and to the 
Mississippi; and, as a measure of security against 
French encroachments, Halifax, by the king's com- 

1 See the case prepared by Mr. 3 Smith's New York, ii. 
Charles, the New York agent, in 4 Opinion of Hay in Smith, ii. 
Smith's New York, ii. 195. 197. No doubt this was also 

2 Representation of the Ilpard of George Grenville's opinion. 
Trade, 4 April, 1754, in N. Y. Lon- 
don Documents, xxxi. 39. 


C vn P ' mand, 1 proposed an American union. 2 "A certain 
and permanent revenue," with a proper adjustment of 


quotas, was to be determined by a meeting of one 
commissioner from each colony. In electing the com- 
missioners, the council, though appointed by the king, 
was to have a negative on the assembly, and the royal 
governor to have a negative on both. The colony that 
failed of being represented was yet to be bound by 
the result. Seven were to be a quorum, and of these 
a majority, with the king's approbation, were to bind 
the continent. The executive department was to be 
intrusted to one commander-in-chief, who should, at 
the same time, be the commissary-general for Indian 
affairs. To meet his expenses, he was "to be empow- 
ered to draw" on the treasuries of the colonies for 
sums proportionate to their respective quotas. A 
disobedient or neglectful province was to be reduced 
by " the authority of parliament ;" and the interposi- 
tion of that authority was equally to be applied for, 
if the whole plan of union should be defeated. 8 

Such was the despotic, complicated, and impracti- 
cable plan of Halifax, founded so much on prerogative, 
as to be at war with the principles of the English 
aristocratic revolution. ~Nor was any earnest effort 
ever made to carry it into effect. It does but mark in 
the mind of Halifax and his associates, the moment of 
that pause, which preceded the definitive purpose of 
settling all questions of an American revenue, gov- 
ernment, and union, by what seemed the effective, 
simple, and uniform system of a general taxation of 

1 Sir Thomas Robinson to the ject for general concert, August, 
Board of Trade, 14 June, 1754. 1754. Representation of the Board 

2 Lords of Trade to Sir Thomas of Trade to the king, 9 August, 1754. 
Robinson, 3 July, 1754. Same to 3 Representation of the Board of 
same, 9 August, 1754, inclosing pro- Trade to the king, 9 August, 1754. 


America by the British legislature. The secretary of chap. 
state and the Board continued, as before, to enjoin a ^^ 
concert among the central provinces for their defence, 1754. 
and, as before, the king's command was regarded only 
as proposing subjects for consideration to the colonial 

" If the several assemblies," wrote Penn from Eng- 
land, " will not make provision for the general service, 
an act of parliament may oblige them here." 1 " The 
assemblies," said Dinwiddie, of Virginia, " are obsti- 
nate, self-opinionated ; a stubborn generation ;" and he 
advised " a poll-tax on the whole subjects in all the 
provinces, to bring them to a sense of their duty." 2 
Other governors, also, " applied home " for compul- 
sory legislation ; 8 and Sharpe, of Maryland, who was 
well informed, held it " possible, if not probable, that 
parliament, at its very next session, would raise a fund 
in the several provinces by a poll-tax," or by imposts, 
" or by a stamp-duty," which last method he at that 
time favored. 4 

These measures were under consideration while the 
news was fresh of Washington's expulsion from the 
Ohio valley. Listening to the instance of the House 
of Burgesses of Virginia, the king instructed the Earl 
of Albemarle, then governor-in-chief of that Domin- 
ion, to grant lands west of the great ridge of moun- 
tains which separates the rivers Eoanoke, James, and 
Potomac from the Mississippi, to such persons as 
should be desirous of settling them, in small quantities 

1 Thomas Penn to Hamilton, 10 8 Dinwiddie to H. Sharpe, of 
June, 1754. Maryland. 

2 Lieut. Gov. Dinwiddie to the 4 Lieut. Gov. H. Sharpe to the 
Lords of Trade, 23 September, Secretary, 0. Calvert, 15 Septem- 
1754. ber, 1754. 


chap, of not more than a thousand acres for any one person. 
^^s From the settlement of this tract it was represented 
1 7£4 that great additional security would be derived against 
the encroachments of the French. 1 Thus Virginia 
seemed to have in charge the colonization of the west ; 
and became the mother of states on the Ohio and the 

But the ministry still doubting what active mea- 
sures to propose, sought information 2 of Horatio Gates, 
a young and gallant officer just returned from Nova 
Scotia. He was ready to answer questions, but they 
knew not what to ask. On the advice of Hanbury, 
the quaker agent in England for the Ohio Company, 
they appointed Sharpe, of Maryland, their general. 
Newcastle would have taken Pitt's opinion. " Your 
Grace knows," he replied, " I have no capacity for 
these things." 8 Horace Walpole, the elder, advised 
energetic measures to regain the lost territory. 4 
Charles Townshend would have sent three thousand 
regulars with three hundred thousand pounds, to New 
England, to train its inhabitants in war, and, through 
them, to conquer Canada. After assuming the hero, 
and breathing nothing but war, the administration 
confessed its indecision; and in October, while Eng- 
land's foolish prime minister was sending pacific mes- 
sages "to the French administration, particularly to 
Madame de Pompadour and the Duke de Mirepoix," 5 
the direction and conduct of American affairs was left 
entirely to the Duke of Cumberland, then the captain- 
general of the British army. 

1 Representation of the Board 4 Coxe's Life of Horace Wal- 

of Trade to the king, 10 June, pole, ii. 367. 
1768. 5 Newcastle to Walpole, 20 Oct., 

8 Walpole's Memoires of George 1754. Walpole's Memoires, i. 347. 

the Second. Compare Flassan : Hist, de la Di- 

8 Dodington's Diary. plomatie Francaise. 


The French ministry desired to put trust in the chap. 
solemn assurances of England. Giving discretionary _,_ 
power in case of a rupture, they instructed Du- 1754. 
quesne to act only on the defensive ; * to shun effu- 
sion of blood, and to employ Indian war-parties only 
when indispensable to tranquillity. Yet Canada, of 
which the population was but little above eighty 
thousand, sought security by Indian alliances. Chiefs 
of the Six Nations were invited to the colony, 2 and, 
on their arrival, were entreated, by a very large belt 
of wampum from six nations of French Indians, to 
break the sale of lands to the English on the Ohio. 
" Have regard," they cried, " for your offspring ; for 
the English, whom you call your brothers, seek your - 
ruin." Already the faithless Shawnees, 8 the most 
powerful tribe on the Ohio, made war on the English, 
and distributed English scalps and prisoners among 
the nations who accepted their hatchet. 

Fond of war, "the cruel and sanguinary" Cum- 
berland entered on his American career with eager 
ostentation. He was heroically brave and covetous 
of military renown, hiding regrets at failure under 
the aspect of indifference. 4 Himself obedient to the 
king, he never forgave a transgression of "the mi- 
nutest precept of the military rubric." 5 In Scotland, 
in 1746, his method against rebellion was " threaten- 
ing military execution." " Our success," he at that 
time complained to Bedford, " has been too rapid. 
It would have been better for the extirpation of this 

1 Le Garde des Sceanx to Du- 3 Duquesne to De Drucourt, 8 
quesne, 1754. New York Paris March, 1755. 

Doc, x., 44. 4 Waldegrave's Memoirs, 21-23. 

2 Holland to Lieut. Gov. Delan- 5 Walpole's Memoires of Geo. 
cey, 1 Jan., 1755. II., i., 86. 

vol. iv. 15 


chap, rabble, if they had stood." " All the good we have 

rL, done," he wrote to Newcastle, "has been a little 

!754. bloodletting." 1 His attendant, George Townshend, 
afterwards to be much connected with American af- 
fairs, promised his friends still " more entertainment" 
in the way of beheading Scotchmen on Tower Hill ; 
and he echoed Cumberland, as he wrote, " I wish the 
disaffection was less latent, that the land might be 
more effectually purged at once." 2 

For the American major-general and commander- 
in-chief, Edward Braddock was selected, a man in 
fortunes desperate, in manners brutal, in temper 
despotic ; obstinate and intrepid ; expert in the 
niceties of a review; harsh in discipline. 3 As the 
duke had confidence only in regular troops, it was 
ordered 4 that the general and field officers of the pro- 
vincial forces should have no rank, when serving with 
the general and field-officers commissioned by the 
king. Disgusted at being thus arrogantly spurned, 
Washington retired from the service, and his regi- 
ment was broken up. 

The active participation in affairs by Cumberland 
again connected Henry Fox with their direction. 
This unscrupulous man, having " privately foresworn 
all connection with Pitt," entered the cabinet without 
appointment to office, and, as the most efficient man 
in the ministry, undertook the conduct of the House 
of Commons. Desiring to introduce into the English 
service the exactness of the German discipline, and to 

1 Coxe's Pelham Ad., i., 303. 4 Orders for governing his Ma- 

2 Jesse's George Selwyn, i., 114. jesty's Forces in America, in Two 
8 Walpole's Memoires of Geo. Letters to a Friend, 1755, pp. 14, 

II., i., 390, confirmed by many let- 15. 
ters of Washington, the younger 
Shirley, and others. 


ground his despotism in an appearance of law, Cum- chap. 
berland had caused the English Mutiny Bill to be ^ — 
revised, and its rigor doubled. ' On a sudden, at a 1754. 
most unusual period in the session, Fox showed Lord 
Egmont a clause for extending the Mutiny Bill to 
America, and subjecting the colonial militia, when in 
actual service, to its terrible severity. 1 Egmont inter- 
ceded to protect America from this new grievance of 
military law ; but Charles Townshend defended the 
measure, and, turning to Lord Egmont, exclaimed, 
" Take the poor American by the hand and point out 
his grievances. I defy you, I beseech you, to point 
out one grievance. I know not of one." He pro- 
nounced a panegyric on the Board of Trade, and de- 
fended all their acts, in particular the instructions to 
Sir Danvers Osborne. The petition of the agent 
of Massachusetts was not allowed to be brought up. 
That to the House of Lords no one would offer ; 2 
and the bill, with the clause for America, was hur- 
ried through parliament. 

It is confidently stated, by the agent of Massachu- 
setts, that a noble lord had then a bill in his pocket, 
ready to be brought in, to ascertain and regulate the 
colonial quotas. 8 All England was persuaded of 
u the perverseness of the assemblies," 4 and inquiries 
were instituted relating to the easiest method of taxa- 
tion by parliament. But, for the moment, the pre- 
rogative was employed ; Braddock was ordered to 
exact a common revenue ; and all the governors re- 

1 Calvert to Lieut. Gov. Sharpe. 3 W. Bollan to the Speaker, 80 
Walpole's Memoires, i., 365. May, 1755. 

2 Letter of W. Bollan to Secre- 4 Secretary Calvert to Lt. Gov. 
tary Willard, 21 Dec., 1754; and to Sharpe, 20 Dec, 1754. 

the Speaker of the Massachusetts 
Assembly, 29 Jan., 1755. 


chap, ceived the king's pleasure " that a fund be estabhshed 


^^^ for the benefit of all the colonies collectively in North 
1754. America." 1 

Men in England expected obedience ; but in De- 
cember, Delancey referred to " the general opinion of 
the congress at Albany, that the colonies would differ 
in their measures and disagree about their quotas; 
without the interposition of the British parliament to 
oblige them," nothing would be done. 2 

In the same moment, Shirley, at Boston, was 
planning how the common fund could be made effi- 
cient; and to Franklin — who, in December, 1754, 
revisited the region in which he drew his first breath, 
and spent his earliest and most pleasant days, — he 
submitted a new scheme of union. A congress of 
governors and delegates from the councils was to be 
invested with power at their meetings to adopt mea- 
sures of defence, and to draw for all necessary moneys 
on the treasury of Great Britain, which was to be 
reimbursed by parliamentary taxes on America. 

"The people in the colonies," replied Franklin, 3 
" are better judges of the necessary preparations for 
defence, and their own abilities to bear them. Gov- 
ernors often come to the colonies merely to make 
fortunes, with which they intend to return to Britain ; 
are not always men of the best abilities or integrity ; 
have no natural connection with us, that should make 
them heartily concerned for our welfare." "The 
councillors in most of the colonies are appointed I >y 

1 Sir T. Robinson's Circular of 3 Franklin to Shirley, 17 Dec. 
26 Oct., 1754. and 18 Dec. 1754, in Works, iii. 

2 Lieut. Gov. Delancey to the 57, 58. 
Lords of Trade, 15 Dec. 1754. 


the crown, on the recommendation of governors, fre- chap. 
quently depend on the governors for office, and are ^^ 
therefore too much under influence. There is reason 1754. 
to be jealous of a power in such governors. They 
might abuse it merely to create employments, gratify 
dependents, and divide profits." Besides, the mer- 
cantile system of England already extorted a second- 
ary tribute from America. In addition to the benefit 
to England from the increasing demand for English 
manufactures, the whole wealth of the colonies, by 
the British Acts of Trade, centred finally among the 
merchants and inhabitants of the metropolis. 

Against taxation of the colonies by parliament, 
Franklin urged, that it would lead to dangerous 
animosities and feuds, and inevitable confusion ; that 
parliament, being at a great distance, was subject to 
be misinformed and misled, and was, therefore, un- 
suited to the exercise of this power ; that it was the 
undoubted right of Englishmen not to be taxed but 
by their own consent, through their representatives ; 
that to propose taxation by parliament, rather than 
by a colonial representative body, implied a distrust 
of the loyalty, or the patriotism, or the understand- 
ing of the colonies; that to compel them to pay 
money without their consent, would be rather like 
raising contributions in an enemy's ^country than 
taxing Englishmen for their own benefit ; and, finally, 
that the principle involved in the measure would, if 
carried out, lead to a tax upon them all by act of par- 
liament for support of government and to the dis- 
mission of colonial assemblies, as a useless part of 
the constitution. 

Shirley next proposed for consideration the plan 

of uniting the colonies more intimately with Great 



chap. Britain, by allowing them representatives in parlia- 
_,_ ment; and Franklin replied, that unity of govern- 
1754. ment should be followed by a real unity of country; 
that it would not be acceptable, unless a reasonable 
number of representatives were allowed, all laws re- 
straining the trade or the manufactures of the colo- 
nies were repealed, and England ceasing to regard the 
colonies as tributary to its industry, were to foster the 
merchant, the smith, the hatter, in America not less 
than those on her own soil. 

Unable to move Franklin from the deeply-seated 
love of popular liberty and power which was at once 
his conviction and a sentiment of his heart, Shirley 
turned towards the Secretary of State, and renewed 
his representations of the necessity of a union of the 
colonies, to be formed in England and enforced by 
act of parliament. At the same time he warned 
against the plea of Franklin in behalf of the Albany 
plan, which he described as the application of the old 
charter system, such as prevailed in Rhode Island and 
Connecticut, to the formation of an American confed- 
eracy. 1 The system, said he, is unfit for ruling a par- 
ticular colony; it seems much more improper for 
establishing a general government over all the colo- 
nies to be comprised in the union. The prerogative 
is not sufficiently secured by the reservation to the 
crown of the appointment of a President of the 
Union with a negative power on all acts of legis- 
lation. As the old charter governments subjected the 
prerogative to the people, and had little or no ap- 

1 It has been thought probable, See Shirley to Sir Thomas Kobin- 
that Shiriey was not particularly son, 24 December, 1754 ; 24 Jan- 
hostile to the Albany plan of uary , 1755, and 4 Feb. 1755, but 
union. His correspondence proves particularly the letter of Dec. 1754. 
his bitter enmity to the scheme. 


pearance of dependency, so the Albany plan of union chap. 
would, in like manner, annihilate royal authority in ^^ 
the collective colonies, and endanger their dependency 1754. 
upon the crown. 

Franklin and Shirley parted, each to persevere in 1755 
his own opinions. Early in 1755, Shirley wrote to 
the Secretary of State, that he was convinced of " the 
necessity not only of a parliamentary union but taxa- 
tion." 1 During the winter, Sharpe, who had been 
appointed temporarily to the chief command in 
America, vainly solicited 2 aid from every province. 
New Hampshire, although weak and young, "took 
every opportunity to force acts contrary to the king's 
instructions and prerogative." The character of the 
Khode Island government gave "no great prospect 
of assistance." New York hesitated in providing 
quarters for British soldiers, and would contribute to 
a general fund only when others did. New Jersey 
showed " the greatest contempt" for the repeated so- 
licitations of its aged governor. In Pennsylvania, in 
Maryland, in South Carolina, the grants of money 
by the assemblies were negatived, because they were 
connected with the encroachments of popular power 
on the prerogative, " schemes of future independency," 
" the grasping at the 'disposition of all public money 
and filling all offices ;" and in each instance the veto 
excited a great flame. The Assembly of Pennsylva- 
nia in March borrowed money and issued bills of 
credit by their own resolves, without the assent of the 
governor. " They are the more dangerous," said 

1 Shirley to Sir Thomas Robin- his brothers William Sharpe and 
son, 4 February, 1755. John Sharpe, and to Lord Balti- 

' H. Sharpe's Letters in 1755 to more. 


chap. Morris, " because a future Assembly may use those 
v-^-J powers against the government by which they are 
1755, now protected;" and he openly and incessantly so- 
licited the interference of England. The provincial 
press engaged in the strife. " Redress," said the 
Pennsylvania royalists, "if it comes, must come from 
his Majesty and the British parliament." 1 The 
Quakers also looked to the same authority, not for 
taxation, but for the abolition of the proprietary 
rule. 2 

The contest along the American frontier was rag- 
ing fiercely, when, in January, 1755, France proposed 
to England to leave the Ohio valley in the condition 
in which it was at the epoch before the last war, and 
at the same time inquired the motive of the arma- 
ment which was making in Ireland. Braddock, with 
two regiments, was already on the way to America, 
when Newcastle gave assurances that defence only 
was intended, that the general peace should not be 
broken ; at the same time, England on its side, return- 
ing the French proposition but with a change of epoch, 
proposed to leave the Ohio valley as it had been at 
the treaty of Utrecht. Mirepoix, in reply, was wil- 
ling that both the French and English should retire 
from the country between the Ohio and the Allegha- 
nies, and leave that territory neutral, which would 
have secured to his sovereign all the country north 
and west of the Ohio. England, on the contrary, 
demanded that France should destroy all her forts as 
far as the Wabash, raze Niagara and Crown Point, 
surrender the peninsula of Nova Scotia, with a strip of 
land twenty leagues wide along the Bay of Fundy and 

1 Brief State of Pennsylvania. • 

* Answer to Brief State of Pennsylvania. 


the Atlantic, and leave the intermediate country to chap. 
the St. Lawrence a neutral desert. Proposals so un- V1L 
reasonable could meet with no acceptance; yet both 1755. 
parties professed a desire — in which France appears 
to have been sincere — to investigate and arrange all 
disputed points. The credulous diplomatist put trust 
in the assurances l of friendly intentions, which New- 
castle lavished upon him, and Louis the Fifteenth, 
while he sent three thousand men to America, held 
himself ready to sacrifice for peace all but honor and 
the protection due to his subjects; 2 consenting that 
New England should reach on the east to the Penob- 
scot, and be divided from Canada on the north by 
the crest of the intervening highlands. 3 * 

While the negotiations were pending, Braddock 
arrived in the Chesapeake. In March, he reached 
Williamsburg, and visited Annapolis; on the four- 
teenth day of April, he, with Commodore Keppel, 
held a congress at Alexandria. There were present, 
of the American governors, Shirley, now next to 
Braddock in military rank ; Delancey, of New York ; 
Morris, of Pennsylvania ; . Sharpe, of Maryland ; and 
Dinwiddie, of Virginia. Braddock directed their 
attention, first of all, to the subject of colonial rev- 
enue, 4 on which his instructions commanded him to 
insist, and his anger kindled " that no such fund was 
already established." The governors present, reca- 
pitulating their strifes with their assemblies, made 
answer, " Such a fund can never be established in the 
colonies without the aid of parliament. Having 

1 Stanley to Pitt, in Thackeray's s Secret Instructions to Van 
Chatham, ii. 581. dreuil, 1 April, 1754, Ibid. x. 8. 

2 Instructions to Varin, N. Y. 4 II. Sharpe to Lord Baltimore, 19 
Paris Documents, xi. 2. April, 1754. 


chap, found it impracticable to obtain in their respecti7e 
^^ governments the proportion expected by his Majesty 
1755. towards defraying the expense of his service in North 
America, they are unanimously of opinion that it 
should be proposed to his Majesty's ministers to find 
out some method of compelling them to do it, and of 
assessing the several governments in proportion to 
their respective abilities." l This imposing document 
Braddock sent forthwith to the ministry, himself also 2 
urging the necessity of some tax being laid through- 
out his Majesty's dominions in North America. Din- 
widdie reiterated his old advice. Sharpe recom- 
mended that the governor and council, without the 
assembly, should have power to levy money " after 
any manner that may be deemed most ready and 
convenient." " A common fund," so Shirley assured 
his American colleagues, on the authority of the 
British secretary of state, " must be either voluntarily 
raised, or assessed in some other way." 

I have had in my hands vast masses of corres- 
pondence, including letters from servants of the crown 
in every royal colony in America; from civilians, as 
well as from Braddock, and Dunbar, and Gage ; from 
the popular Delancey and the moderate Sharpe, as 
well as from Dinwiddie and Shirley ; and all were 
of the same tenor. The British ministry heard one 
general clamor from men in office for taxation by act 
of parliament. Even men of liberal tendencies looked 
to acts of English authority for aid. " I hope that 

1 Minutes of Council, held at 2 Memoire contenant le Precis 
the camp at Alexandria, in Virgi- des Faits avec les pieces justifica- 
nia, April 14, 1755, [and following tives, 188. Une taxe sur les do- 
days]. My copy is from that inclos- maines de sa majestic Braddock 
ed in Major General Braddock's to Sir Thomas Rohinson, 14 April, 
Letter of 19 April, 1755, to the Se- 1755, in the State Paper Office, 
cretary of State. Am. and W. I. lxxxii. 


Lord Halifax's plan may be good and take place," said chap. 
Alexander, of New York. Hopkins, governor of ^^ 
Khode Island, elected by the people, complained of 1755. 
the men " who seemed to love and understand liberty 
better than public good and the affairs of state." 
" Little dependence," said he, " can be had on volun- 
tary union." " In an act of parliament for a general 
fund," wrote Shirley, " I have great reason to think 
the people will readily acquiesce." 

In England, the government was more and more 
inclined to enforce the permanent authority of Great 
Britain. No Assembly had with more energy as- 
sumed to itself all the powers that spring from the 
management of the provincial treasury than that of 
South Carolina ; and Richard Lyttleton, brother of 
Sir George Lyttelton, who, in November, 1755, en- 
tered the cabinet as chancellor of the exchequer, 
was sent to recover the authority which had been 
impaired by " the unmanly facilities of former rulers." 
Pennsylvania had, in January, 1755, professed the 
loyalty of that province, and explained the danger to 
their chartered liberties from proprietary instruc- 
tions ; but, after a hearing before the Board of Trade, 
the address of the colonial legislature to their sover- 
eign, like that of New York in the former year, was 
disdainfully rejected. Petitions for reimbursements 
and aids were received with displeasure ; the people 
of New England were treated as Swiss ready to sell 
their services, desiring to be paid for protecting them- 
selves. The reimbursement of Massachusetts for tak- 
ing Louisburg was now condemned, as a subsidy to 
subjects who had only done their duty. " You must 
fight for your own altars and firesides," was Sir 


chap. Thomas Robinson's answer to the American agents, 

VII . 

.^^ as they were bandied to himself from Newcastle and 
1755, from both to Halifax. Halifax alone had decision 
and a plan. In July, 1755, he insisted with the min- 
istry on a "general system to ease the mother 
country of the great and heavy expenses with which 
it of late years was burdened." 1 The letters from 
America found the English Administration resolved 
" to raise funds for American affairs by a stamp-duty, 
and a duty" on products of the Foreign West Indies, 
imported into the continental colonies. 2 The English 
press advocated an impost in the northern colonies on 
West India products, " and likewise that, by act of 
parliament, there be a further fund established" from 
" stamped paper." 8 This tax, it was conceived, would 
yield " a very large sum." Huske, an American, 
writing under the patronage of Charles Townshend, 
urged a reform in the colonial administration, and 
moderate taxation by parliament, as free from " the 
risks and disadvantages of the Albany plan of 
union." 4 Delancey, in August, had hinted to the 
New York Assembly, that a " stamp-duty would be 
so diffused as to be in a manner insensible." 5 That 
province objected to a stamp-tax as oppressive, 
though not to a moderate impost on West India pro- 
ducts ; and the voice of Massachusetts was unheeded, 
when, in November, it began to be thoroughly 
alarmed, and instructed its agent " to oppose every 
thing that should have the remotest tendency to 

1 Board to Secretary of State, Colonies, &c, &c. London, 1755, 
July, 1755. at pages 89 and 92. 

2 Charles to Committee of New 4 Huske's Present State of tr e 
York, 15 Aug., 1755. Colonies. 

3 A miscellaneous Essay, con- 5 Delancey to the New York 
cerning the courses pursued by Assembly, 6 Aug., 1755. 

Great Britain in the Affairs of her 


raise a revenue in the plantations." Every body in chap. 
parliament seemed in favor of an American revenue w^L 
that should come under the direction of the govern- 1755. 
ment in England. Those who once promised oppo- 
sition to the measure resolved rather to sustain it, 
arid the very next winter was to introduce the new 
policy. 1 

The civilized world was just beginning to Live to 
the colonies the attention due to their futurity. 
Hutcheson, the greatest British writer on ethics of 
his generation, — who, without the power of thor- 
oughly reforming the theory of morals, knew that it 
needed a reform, and was certain that truth and right 
have a foundation within us, though, swayed by the 
material philosophy of his times, ne sought that foun- 
dation not in pure reason, but in a moral sense, — saw 
no, wrong in the coming independence of America. 
" When," he inquired, " have colonies a right to be 
released from the dominion of the parent state V % 
And this year his opinion saw the light : — " When- 
ever they are so increased in numbers and strength 
as to be sufficient by themselves for all the good ends 
of a political union." 

1 Bollan to the Speaker of Mass. Assembly. 

VOL. IV. 16 




c ^ap. Anarchy lay at the heart of the institutions of 
— ^ Europe ; the germ of political life was struggling for 
1755 - its development in the people of America. While 
doubt was preparing the work of destruction in the 
Old World, faith in truth and the formative power 
of order were controlling and organizing the free and 
expanding energies of the New. As yet, America 
refused union, not from unwillingness to devote life 
and fortune for the commonwealth, but from the firm 
resolve never to place its concentrated strength under 
an authority independent of itself. It desired not 
union only, but self-direction. 

The events of the summer strengthened the pur- 
pose, but delayed the period, of taxation by parlia- 
ment. Between England and France peace existed 
under ratified treaties ; it was proposed not to invade 
Canada, but only to repel encroachments on the fron- 
tier from the Ohio to the Gulf of St. Lawrence. For 
this end, four expeditions were concerted by Brad- 
dock at Alexandria. Lawrence, the lieutenant-gov- 


ernor of Nova Scotia, was to reduce that province chap. 
according to the English interpretation of its bounda- _^L, 
ries ; Johnson, from his long acquaintance with the 1755. 
Six Nations, was selected to enroll Mohawk warriors 
in British pay, and to conduct an army of provincial 
militia and Indians against Crown Point; Shirley 
proposed to win laurels by driving the French from 
Niagara : while the commander-in-chief himself was 
to recover the Ohio Valley and the Northwest. 

Soon after Braddock sailed from Europe, the 
French also sent a fleet with reinforcements for Can- 
ada, under the veteran Dieskau. Boscawen, with 
English ships, pursued them, though England had 
avowed only the intention to resist encroachments on 
her territory ; and when the French ambassador at 
London expressed some uneasiness on the occasion, 
he was assured that certainly the English would not 
begin. 1 At six o'clock, on the evening of the 7th of 
June, the Alcide, the Lys, and the Dauphin, that had 
for several days been separated from their squadron, 
fell in with the British fleet off Cape Race, the 
southernmost point of Newfoundland. Between ten 
and eleven in the morning of the eighth, the Alcide, 
under Hocquart, was within hearing of the Dunkirk, 
a vessel of sixty guns, commanded by Howe. " Are 
we at peace or war V asked Hocquart. The French 
affirm, that the answer to them was, " Peace, Peace ;" 
till Boscawen gave the signal to engage. 2 Howe, 
who was as brave as he was taciturn, obeyed the 
order promptly ; and the Alcide and Lys yielded to 
superior force. The Dauphin, being a good sailer, 

1 Flassan : Histoire de la Diplo- pole's Memoires of Geo. II., i., 389. 
taatie Franchise, vi., 34. Barrow's Life of Howe. 

8 Precis des Faits, 273. Wal- 


chap, scud safely for Louisburg. Nine more of the French 
^^L, squadron came in sight of the British, but were not 
1755. intercepted; and, before June was gone, Dieskau and 
his troops, with De Vaudreuil, who superseded Du- 
quesne as governor of Canada, landed at Quebec. 
Vaudreuil was a Canadian by birth, had served in 
Canada, and been governor of Louisiana. The Cana- 
dians nocked about him to bid him welcome. 

From Williamsburg, Braddock had promised 
Newcastle to be " beyond the mountains of Alle- 
ghany by the end of April ;" at Alexandria, in April, 
he prepared the ministry for tidings of his successes 
by an express in June. At Fredericktown, where he 
halted for carriages, he said to Franklin, " After 
taking Fort Duquesne, I am to proceed to Niagara, 
and, having taken that, to Frontenac. Duquesne 
can hardly detain me above three or four days, and 
then I see nothing that can obstruct my march to 
Niagara." " The Indians are dexterous in laying and 
executing ambuscades," replied Franklin, who remem- 
bered the French invasion of the Chickasaws, and 
the death of Artaguette and Vincennes. " The sav- 
ages," answered Braddock, " may be formidable to 
your raw American militia ; upon the king's regulars 
and disciplined troops it is impossible they should 
make any impression." Still the little army was " un- 
able to move, for want of horses and carriages ;" but 
Franklin, by his " great influence in Pennsylvania," 
supplied both, with a "promptitude and probity" 
which extorted praise from Braddock and unanimous 
thanks from the Assembly of his province. 1 Among 

1 Franklin to Shirley, 22 May, State, 5 June, 1755. Votes of 
1755. Braddock to Secretary of Pennsylvania Assembly, v., 397. 



the wagoners was Daniel Morgan, famed in village chap. 
groups as a wrestler ; skilful in the use of the mus- ^^L, 
ket ; who emigrated, as a day-laborer, from New 1755. 
Jersey to Virginia, and husbanded his wages so that 
he had been able to become the owner of a team ; all 
unconscious of his future greatness. At Will's Creek, 
which took the name of Cumberland, Washington, in 
May, joined the expedition as one of the general's 

Seven-and-twenty days passed in the march of the 
army from Alexandria to Cumberland, where, at last, 
two thousand effective men were assembled ; among 
them, two independent companies from New York, 
under the command of Horatio Gates. " The Amer- 
ican troops," wrote Braddock, "have little courage, 
or good- will. I expect from them almost no military 
sendee, though I have employed the best officers to 
drill them ;" 1 and losing all patience, he insulted the 
country as void of ability, honor, and honesty. " The 
general is brave," said his secretary, young Shirley, 2 
" and in pecuniary matters honest, but disqualified for 
the service he is employed in ;" and Washington 
found him " incapable of arguing without warmth, or 
giving up any point he had asserted, be it ever so 
incompatible with reason or common sense." 

From Cumberland to the fork of the Ohio the 
distance is less than one hundred* and thirty miles. 
In the last day of May, five hundred men were sent 
forward to open the roads, and store provisions at 
Little Meadows. Sir Peter Halket followed with the 
first brigade, and June was advancing before the gen- 
eral was in motion with the second. " Braddock is 

1 Braddock's Letter of 2 June, 2 Shirley the younger to E. H. 
1756, in the Precis, &c., 198. Morris. 



chap, not at all impatient to be scalped," thought men in 

^^ England. Meantime Fort Duquesne was receiving 

1755. reinforcements. "We shall have more to do," said 

Washington, "than to go up the hills and come 


The army moved forward slowly and with mili- 
tary exactness, but in a slender line, nearly four miles 
long ; always in fear of Indian ambuscades ; exposed, 
by attacks on its flanks, to be cut in pieces like a 
thread. The narrow road was made with infinite toil 
across mountains and masses of lofty rocks, over 
ravines and rivers. As the horses, for want of 
forage, must feed on the wild grasses, and the cattle 
browse among the shrubs, they grew weak, and began 
to give out. The regular troops pined under the wil- 
derness fare. 

On the nineteenth of June, Braddock, by Wash- 
ington's advice, leaving Dunbar behind with the resi- 
due of the army, resolved to push forward with 
twelve hundred chosen men. " The prospect," says 
Washington, "conveyed to my mind infinite de- 
light ;" and he would not suffer " excessive" illness to 
detain him from active service. Yet still they 
stopped to level every molehill, and erect bridges 
over every creek. On the eighth of July they arrived 
at the fork of the Monongahela and Youghiogeny 
Rivers. The distance to Fort Duquesne was but 
twelve miles, and the Governor of New France gave 
it up as lost. * 

Early in the morning of the ninth of July, Brad- 
dock set his troops in motion. A little below the 

1 Vaudreuil to the Minister, 24 July, 1755. 


Youghiogeny they forded the Monongahela, and chap. 
marched on the southern bank of that tranquil ^^_ 
stream, displaying outwardly to the forests the per- 1755. 
fection of military discipline, brilliant in their daz- 
zling uniform, their burnished arms gleaming in the 
bright summer's sun, but sick at heart, and enfeebled 
by toil and unwholesome diet. At noon they forded 
the Monongahela again, and stood between the rivers 
that form the Ohio, only ten miles distant from 
their junction. A detachment of three hundred and 
fifty men, led by Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Gage, 1 
and closely attended by a working party of two hun- 
dred and fifty, under St. Clair, advanced cautiously, 
with guides and flanking parties, along a path but 
twelve feet wide, towards the uneven woody country 
that was between them and Fort Duquesne. 2 The 
general was following with the columns of artillery, 
baggage, and the main body of the army, when a 
very heavy and quick fire was heard in the front. 

Aware of Braddock's progress by the fidelity of 
their scouts, the French had resolved on an ambus- 
cade. Twice in council the Indians declined the 
enterprise. " I shall go," said De Beaujeu, " and will 
you suffer your father to go alone ? I am sure we 
shall conquer ;" and, sharing his confidence, they 
pledged themselves to be his companions. 8 At an 
early hour, Contrecoeur detached De Beaujeu the com- 
mandant at Fort Duquesne, Dumas, and De Lignery, 
with less than two hundred and thirty French and Ca- 
nadians, and six hundred and thirty-seven savages, 

1 Gage to Albemarle, 24 July, 3 Kelation depuis le Depart des 
1755, in Keppel's Keppel, i. 213. Troupes du Quebec, jusqu'au 30 

2 Journal of General Braddock's Sept. 1755. 
Expedition, in British Museum, 

King's Lib.vol. 212. 


chap, under orders to repair to a favorable spot selected the 
N _ y J^ preceding evening. 1 Before reaching it, they found 
1755. themselves in the presence of the English, who were 
advancing in the best possible order ; and De Beau- 
jeu instantly began an attack with the utmost vivacity. 
Gage should, on the moment, and without waiting for 
orders, have sent support to his flanking parties. Hia 
indecision lost the day. 2 The onset was met cour- 
ageously, but the flanking guards were driven in, and 
the advanced party, leaving their two six-pounders in 
the hands of the enemy, were thrown back upon the 
vanguard which the general had sent as a rein- 
forcement, and which was attempting to form in face 
of a rising ground on the right. Thus the men of 
both regiments were heaped together in promis- 
cuous confusion, 8 among the dense forest trees and 
thickset underwood. The general himself hurried 
forward to share the danger and animate the troops ; 
and his artillery, though it could do little harm, as it 
played against an enemy whom the forest concealed, 
yet terrified the savages and made them waver. At 
this time De Beaujeu fell, when the brave and hu- 
mane Dumas, taking the command, gave new life to 
his party ; sending the savages to attack the English 
in flank, while he, with the French and Canadians, 
continued the combat in front. Already the British 
regulars were raising shouts of victory, 4 when the bat- 
tle was renewed, and the Indians, posting themselves 
most advantageously behind large trees " in the front 

1 Relation du Combat de 9 Juil- tion. Report of the Court of In- 
let, 1755. quiry into the Behavior of the 

■ Mante's History of the late Troops at Monongahela. Sir John 

War in North America. 26. Gage St. Clair to Sir Thomas Robinson, 

tried to defend himself. See Gage 3 Sept. 1755. 

to Albemarle, 22 January, 1755. 4 Relation du Combat. New* 

Journal of Braddook's Expedi- York Paris papers, xi. 14. 


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\ 4 


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,;\ « 


APlaiiof ilie 


as they were on the March at the dine 
of the Attack:Jiilv9 , >L7.)5. 




X French and Indians when discovered by the Guide 

Briti sh Tr oops. 

A Guides irit/e O Zioht .Horse [L Seraeants&IO Grenadier 
B J an at 'the adviuiced party >I Subalterns & Wilen 
C .itlyauced party commanded- X 22 found* 

by Lieu. Col. Gaae 3 JO. 
~D TheWorkina party common 

led by Srdhhn Si-CUnr2SO. 
fE Tu-o/iWd Pieces 6 founders 
F (hianl to Ditto 
G Too! Itat/uons 
JH Flank Guards 

Main Bo dv of the Atniy 
1 Light Horse 
K. Sailors 

Camp? f of Grenadiers 

Q 7>w/« of Artillery 

R Sirfeterlfa/keLs 

S ('ol.l)unbars 

T Hear Giion/ to the \yltole^irm\ 

VA mil 

X Ground where the principal 

part of the Knoaoemc/it 



The Distance from Frazier's House ft> Fact IhiQuea.u.e 
/..• 7 Computed Miles. 

IyG.w 8 .&.8mifli.. 


of the troops, and on the hills which overhung the chap. 
right flank," invisible, yet making the woods re-echo w-^ 
their war-whoop, fired irregularly, but with deadly 1755. 
aim, at - the fair mark " offered by the a compact 
body of men beneath them." None of the English 
that were engaged would say they saw a hundred of 
the enemy, 1 and " many of the officers, who were in 
the heat of the action the whole time, would not as- 
sert that they saw one." 2 

The combat was obstinate, and continued for two 
hours with scarcely any change in the disposition of 
either side. 3 Had the regulars shown courage, the 
issue would not have been doubtful ; but terrified by 
the yells of the Indians, and dispirited by a manner 
of fighting such as they had never imagined, they 
would not long obey the voice of their officers, but 
fired in platoons almost as fast as they could load, aim- 
ing among the trees, or firing into the air. In the midst 
of the strange scene, nothing was so sublime as the 
persevering gallantry of the officers. They used the 
utmost art to encourage the men to move upon the 
enemy ; they told them off into small parties of which 
they took the lead ; they bravely formed the front ; 
they advanced sometimes at the head of small bodies, 
sometimes separately, to recover the cannon, or to get 
possession of the hill ; but Were sacrificed by the sol- 
diers who declined to follow them, and even fired 
upon them from the rear. 4 Of eighty-six officers, 

1 H. Sharpe to Baltimore. Aug. 4 Letter of Wm. Smith, of New- 
1755. York, of 27 July, 1755. Account 

2 H. Sharpe to Secretary Cal- sent to Lord Albemarle, — in parti- 
vert, 11 August, 1755. cular, the Report of the Court of 

3 Memorandum. On the Sketch Inquiry. So too, Sharpe to Lord 
of the Field of Battle, No. 2. Baltimore, August, 1755. 


chap, twenty-six were killed, — among them, Sir Peter Hal- 
J^il, ket, — and thirty-seven were wounded, including Gage 
1755. and other field-officers. Of the men, one half were 
killed or wounded. Braddock braved every danger. 
His secretary was shot dead ; both his English aids 
were disabled early in the engagement, 1 leaving the 
American alone to distribute his orders. " I expected 
every moment," said one whose eye was on Washing- 
ton, " to see him fall." 2 " Nothing but the superin- 
tending care of Providence could have saved him." 
An Indian chief — I suppose a Shawnee — singled him 
out with his rifle, and bade others of his warriors do 
the same. Two horses were killed under hira ; four 
balls penetrated his coat. "Some potent Manitou 
guards his life," exclaimed the savage. 3 "Death," 
wrote Washington, "was levelling my companions 
on every side of me ; but, by the all-powerful dispen- 
sations of Providence, I have been protected*" 4 " To 
the public," said Davie s, a learned divine, in the fol- 
lowing month, " I point out that heroic youth, Colonel 
Washington, whom I cannot but hope Providence has 
preserved in so signal a manner for some important 
service to his country." " Who is Mr. Washington ?" 
asked Lord Halifax a few months later. " I know 
nothing of him," he added, " but that they say he 
behaved in Braddock's action as bravely as if he 
really loved the whistling of bullets." 5 The Virginia 
troops showed great valor, and were nearly all mas- 
sacred. Of three companies, scarcely thirty men were 

1 Washington to his mother, 18 4 Washington to his brother, 1 8 
July, 1755. July, 1755. 

2 Craik, in Marshall's Life of 5 Halifax to Sir Charles Hard/ , 
Washington, ii. 19. 31 March, 1756. 

3 Same to Mr. Cnstis, of Ar- 


left alive. Captain Peyronney and all his officers, chap. 
down to a corporal, were killed ; of Poison's, whose ^^ 
bravery was honored by the Legislature of the Old 1755. 
Dominion, only one was left. But " those they call 
regulars, having wasted their ammunition, broke and 
ran, as sheep before hounds, leaving the artillery, pro- 
visions, baggage, and even the private papers of the 
general, a prey to the enemy. The attempt to rally 
them was as vain as to attempt to stop the wild bears 
of the mountain." 1 "Thus were the English most 
scandalously beaten." Of privates, seven hundred 
and fourteen were killed or wounded ; while of the 
French and Indians, only three officers and thirty 
men fell, and but as many more were wounded.. 

Braddock had five horses disabled under him ; at 
last a bullet entered his right side, and he fell mortally 
wounded. 2 He was with difficulty brought off the 
field, and' borne in the train of the fugitives. All the 
first day he was silent; but at night he roused him- 
self to say, " Who would have thought it ?" The 
meeting at Dunbar's camp made a day of confusion. 
On the twelfth of July, Dunbar destroyed the remain- 
ing artillery, and burned the public stores and the 
heavy baggage, to the value of a hundred thousand 
pounds, — pleading in excuse that he had the orders 8 
of the dying general, and being himself resolved, 
in midsummer, to evacuate Fort Cumberland, and 
hurry to Philadelphia for winter-quarters. Accord- 
ingly, the next day they all retreated. At night 
Braddock roused from his lethargy to say, " We shall 
better know how to deal with them another time," 

1 Report of the Court of Inquiry 3 Sir John Sinclair to Sir T. 
and Washington's Letters. Eobinson, 3 Sept. 1755. 

2 Robert Orme to Gov. Morris, 
18 July, 1755. 


chap, and died. 1 His grave may still be seen, near the na- 
tional road, about a mile west of Fort Necessity. 


The forest field of battle was left thickly strewn 
with the wounded and the dead. Never had there 
been such a harvest of scalps and spoils. As evening 
approached, the woods round Fort Duquesne rung 
with the halloos of the red men ; the constant firing of 
small arms, mingled with a peal from the cannon at 
the fort. The next day the British artillery was 
brought in, and the Indian warriors, painting their 
skin a shining vermilion, with patches of black, and 
brown, and blue, gloried in the laced hats and bright 
apparel of the English officers. 2 

At Philadelphia nothing but victory had been an- 
ticipated. " All looks well," wrote Morris ; " the 
force of Canada has vanished away in an instant f 
and of a sudden the news of Braddock's defeat, and 
the shameful evacuation of Fort Cumberland by 
Dunbar, threw the people of the central provinces 
into the greatest consternation. 3 The Assembly of 
Pennsylvania immediately resolved to grant fifty thou- 
sand pounds to the king's use, in part by a tax on all 
estates, real and personal, within the province. Mor- 
ris, obeying his instructions from the proprietaries, 
claimed exemption for their estates. The Assembly 
rejected the demand with disdain ; for the annual in- 
come of the proprietaries from quitrents, groundrents, 
rents of manors, and other appropriated and settled 

lands, was nearly thirty thousand pounds. 4 Sharpe 


1 Orme in Franklin's Autobio- s Lt. Gov. Dinwiddie to Lords of 

graphy. Trade, 6 Sept. 1755. H. Sharpe to 

8 Personal Narrative of Colonel 0. Calvert, July, 1755. 

James Smith, in J. Pritt's Mirror 4 True and Impartial State of 

of Olden Time Border Life. 385. Pennsylvania, 125. 


would not convene the Assembly of Maryland, be- chap. 
cause it was " fond of imitating the precedents of ^^^ 
Pennsylvania." And the governors, proprietary as 1755. 
well as royal, reciprocally assured each other that no- 
thing could be done in their colonies without an act 
of parliament. 1 

The months that followed were months of sor- 
row. Happily, the Catawbas at the South remained 
faithful; and in July, at a council of five hundred 
Cherokees assembled under a tree in the highlands of 
Western Carolina, Glen renewed the covenant of 
peace, obtained a cession of lands, and was invited to 
erect Fort Prince George near the villages of Cona- 
satchee and Keowee. 

At the North, New England was extending Brit- 
ish dominion. Massachusetts cheerfully levied about 
seven thousand nine hundred men, or nearly one-fifth 
of the able-bodied men in the colony. Of these, a 
detachment took part in establishing the sovereignty 
of England in Acadia. That peninsular region — 
abounding in harbors and in forests ; rich in its ocean 
fisheries and in the, product of its rivers ; near to a 
continent that invited to the chase and the fur-trade ; 
having, in its interior, large tracts of alluvial soil — 
had become dear to its inhabitants, who beheld 
around them the graves of their ancestors for several 
generations. It was the oldest French colony in 
North America. There the Bretons had built their 
dwellings sixteen years before the Pilgrims reached 
the shores of New England. With the progress 'of 
the respective settlements, sectional jealousies and re- 

1 Correspondence of Morris and Sharpe. Lt. Gov. Sharpe to Shir- 
ley, 24 August, 1755. 

VOL. IV. 17 


chaf. ligious bigotry had renewed their warfare ; the off 
^^ spring of the Massachusetts husbandmen were taught 
1755. to abhor "Popish cruelties" and "Popish supersti- 
tions f while Roman Catholic missionaries perse- 
vered in propagating the faith of their church among 
the villages of the Abenakis. 

At last, after repeated conquests and restorations, 
the treaty of Utrecht conceded Acadia, or Nova Sco- 
tia, to Great Britain. Yet the name of Annapolis, 
the presence of a feeble English garrison, and the 
emigration of hardly five or six English families, were 
nearly all that marked the supremacy of England. 
The old inhabitants remained on the soil which they 
had subdued, hardly conscious that they had changed 
their sovereign. They still loved the language and 
the usages of their forefathers, and their religion was 
graven upon their souls. They promised submission 
to England ; but such was the love with which 
France had inspired them, they would not fight 
against its standard or renounce its name. Though 
conquered, they were French neutrals. 

For nearly forty years from the peace of Utrecht 
•they had been forgotten or neglected, and had pros- 
pered in their seclusion. No tax-gatherer counted 
their folds, no magistrate dwelt in their hamlets. 
The parish priest made' their records and regulated 
their successions. Their little disputes were settled 
among themselves, with scarcely an instance of an 
appeal to English authority at Annapolis. The pas- 
tures were covered with their herds and flocks ; and 
dikes, raised by extraordinary efforts of social indus- 
try, shut out the rivers and the tide from alluvial 
marshes of exuberant fertility. The meadows, thus 
reclaimed, were covered by richest grasses, or fields 


of wheat, that yielded fifty and thirty fold at the har- chap. 
vest. Their houses were built in clusters, neatly con- ^-^ 
structed and comfortably furnished, and around them 1755. 
all kinds of domestic fowls abounded. With the 
spinning-wheel and the loom, their women made, of 
flax from their own fields, of fleeces from their own 
flocks, coarse, but sufficient clothing. The few foreign 
luxuries that were coveted could be obtained from 
Annapolis or Louisburg, in return for furs, or wheat, 
or cattle. 

Thus were the Acadians happy in their neutrality 
and in the abundance which they drew from their 
native land. They formed, as it were, one great 
family. Their morals were of unaffected purity. 
Love was sanctified and calmed by the universal 
custom of early marriages. The neighbors of the 
community would assist the new couple to raise their 
cottage, while the wilderness offered land. Their 
numbers increased, and the colony, which had begun 
only as the trading station of a company, with a 
monopoly of the fur-trade, counted, perhaps, sixteen 
or seventeen thousand inhabitants. 1 

When England began vigorously to colonize Nova 
Scotia, the native inhabitants might fear the loss of 
their independence. The enthusiasm of their priests 

1 Shirley said 16,000, Raynal and Lieutenant-Governor Lawrence, in 
Haliburton, 17,000. The Board of his circular to the different gover- 
Trade, in 1721, put the number nors, 11 August, 1755, refers to 
vaguely at " nearly 3,000 ;" these, those only who remained after 
in 1755, but for emigration to large emigrations. Compare too 
French America, would hardly have Lawrence's State of the English 
become more than 10,000; but and French Forts, quoted in Sir 
there were more. Mascarene to Thomas Robinson to Lieutenant- 
Lords of Trade, 17 Oct., 1748, says, Governor Lawrence, 13 August, 
there were 4,000 or 5,000 French 1755. The number there given was 
inhabitants, able to bear arms. 8,000. 


chap, was kindled into fervor at the thought that heretics, 

, ^ of a land which had disfranchised Catholics, were to 

1755, surround, and perhaps to overwhelm, the ancient Aca- 
dians. "Better," said the priests, "surrender your 
meadows to the sea, and your houses to the flames, 
than, at the peril of your souls, take the oath of alle- 
giance to the British government." And they, from 
their very simplicity and anxious sincerity, were uncer- 
tain in their resolves ; now gathering courage to flee 
beyond the isthmus, for other homes in New France, 
and now yearning for their own houses and fields, 
their herds and pastures. 

The haughtiness of the British officers aided the 
priests in their attempts to foment disaffection. The 
English regarded colonies, even when settled by men 
from their own land, only as sources of emolument . 
to the mother country ; colonists as an inferior caste. 
The Acaclians were despised because they were help- 
less. Ignorant of the laws of their ; conquerors, they 
were not educated to the knowledge, the defence, and 
the love of English liberties; they knew not the way 
to the throne, and, given up to military masters, had 
no redress in civil tribunals. Their papers and records, 
the titles to their estates and inheritances, were taken 
away from them. Was their property demanded for 
the public service ? " they were not to be bargained 
with for the payment." 1 The order may still be read 
on the Council records at Halifax. They must com- 
ply, it was written, without making any terms, " im- 
mediately," or " the next courier w r ould bring an 
order for military execution upon the delinquents." 
And when they delayed in fetching firewood for their 

1 Haliburton's History of Nova Scotia, i. 169. 


oppressors, it was told them from the governor, " If chap. 
they do not do it in proper time, the soldiers shall _^ 
absolutely take their houses for fuel." The unoffend- 1755. 
ing sufferers submitted meekly to the tyranny. Un- 
der pretence of fearing that they might rise in behalf 
of France, or seek shelter in Canada, or convey pro- 
visions to the French garrisons, they were directed to 
surrender their boats and their firearms; 1 and, con- 
scious of innocence, they gave up their barges and 
their muskets, leaving themselves without the means 
of flight, and defenceless. Further orders were after- 
wards given to the English officers, if the Acadians 
behaved amiss to punish them at discretion ; if the 
troops were annoyed, to inflict vengeance on the near- 
est, whether the guilty one or not, — " taking an eye 
for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth." 

The French had yielded the sovereignty over no 
more than the peninsula. They established them- 
selves on the isthmus in two forts, — one, a small 
stockade at the mouth of the little river Gaspereaux, 
near Bay Verde ; the other, the more considerable 
fortress of Beau-Sejour, built and supplied at great 
expense, upon an eminence on the north side of the 
Messagouche, on the Bay of Fundy. The isthmus is 
here hardly fifteen miles wide, and formed the natural 
boundary between New France and Acadia. 

The French at Beau-Sejour had passed the pre- 
vious winter in unsuspecting tranquillity, ignorant of 
the preparations of the two crowns for war. As 
spring approached, suspicions were aroused; but De 
Vergor, the inefficient commander, took no vigorous 
measures for strengthening his works, nor was he 

1 Memorials of the Deputies of Minas and Pisiquid, delivered to 
Captain Murray, 10 June, 1755. 



chap, fully roused to his danger, till, from the walls of his 
^^ fort, he himself beheld the fleet of the English sailing 
1755. fearlessly into the bay, and anchoring before his eyes. 
The provincial troops, about fifteen hundred in 
number, strengthened by a detachment of three hun- 
dred regulars and a train of artillery, were disem- 
barked without difficulty. A day was given to repose 
and parade ; on the fourth of June, they forced the 
passage of the Messagouche, the intervening river. 
No sally was attempted by De Vergor ; no earnest 
defence was undertaken. On the twelfth, the fort at 
Beau-Sejour, weakened by fear, discord, and confusion, 
was invested, and in four days it surrendered. 1 By 
the terms of the capitulation, the 'garrison was to be 
sent to Louisburg ; for the Acadian fugitives, inasmuch 
as they had been forced into the service, amnesty was 
stipulated. The place received an English garrison, 
and, from the brother of the king, then the soul of 
the regency, was named Cumberland. 

The petty fortress near the river Gaspereaux, on 
Bay Verde, a mere palisade, flanked by four block- 
houses, without mound or trenches, and tenanted by 
no more than twenty soldiers, though commanded by 
the brave De Villerai, could do nothing but capitulate 
. on the same terms. Meantime, Captain Bous sailed, 
with three frigates and a sloop, to reduce the French 
fort on the St. John^s. But before he arrived there, 
the fort and dwellings of the French had been aban- 
doned and burned, and he took possession of a deserted 
country. Thus was the region east of the St. Croix 
annexed to England, with a loss of but twenty men 
killed, and as many more wounded. 

No further resistance was to be feared. The Aca- 

\ * ) 

1 Lieutenant-Governor Lawrence to the Lords of Trade, 28 June, 1755. 


dians cowered before their masters, hoping forbear- chap. 
ance ; willing to take an oath of fealty to England ; v_^ 
in their single-mindedness and sincerity, refusing to 1755. 
pledge themselves to bear arms against France. The 
English were masters of the sea, were undisputed 
lords of the country, and could exercise clemency 
without apprehension. Not a whisper gave a warning 
of their purpose, till it was ripe for execution. 

But it had been "determined upon" after the 
ancient device of Oriental despotism, that the French 
inhabitants of Acadia should be carried away into 
captivity to other parts of the British dominions. 
" They have laid aside all thought of taking the oaths 
of allegiance voluntarily ;" thus in August, 1754, 
Lawrence, the Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, 
had written of them to Lord Halifax. " They possess 
the best and largest tract of land in this province; 
if they refuse the oaths, it would be much better 
that they were away." * The Lords of Trade in 
reply veiled their wishes under the decorous form of 
suggestions. " By the treaty of Utrecht," said they 
of the French Acadians, " their becoming subjects of 
Great Britain is made an express condition of their 
continuance after the expiration of a year ; they 
cannot become subjects but by taking the oaths 
required of subjects; and therefore it may be a ques- 
tion, whether their refusal to take such oaths will not 
operate to invalidate their titles to their lands. Con- 
sult the Chief Justice of Nova Scotia upon that point ; 
his opinion may serve as a foundation for future mea- 

sures." 2 

France remembered the descendants of her sons 

1 Lawrence to the Lords of 2 Halifax and his colleagues to 
Trade, 1 August, 1754, Lieutenant-Governor Lawrence, 29 

October, 1754. 


chap, in the hour of their affliction, and asked that they 


^^ might have time to remove from the Peninsula 

1755. with their effects, leaving their lands to the English; 

but the answer of the British minister claimed them 

as useful subjects, and refused them the liberty of 

transmigration. 1 

The inhabitants of Minas and the adjacent coun- 
try pleaded with the British officers for the restitution 
of their boats and their guns, promising fidelity, if 
they could but retain their liberties, and declaring 
that not the want of arms, but their conscience, 
should engage them not to revolt. " The memorial," 
said Lawrence in council, " is highly arrogant, insidi- 
ous, and insulting." The memorialists, at his summons, 
came submissively to Halifax. "You want your 
canoes for carrying provisions to the enemy :" said he 
to them, though he knew no enemy was left in their 
vicinity. " Guns are no part of your goods," he con- 
tinued, " as by the laws of England all Roman Cath- 
olics are restrained from having arms, and are subject 
to penalties if arms are found in their houses. It is 
not the language of British subjects to talk of terms' 
with the crown, or capitulate about their fidelity and 
allegiance. What excuse can you make for your pre- 
sumption in treating this government with such indig- 
nity, as to expound to them the nature of fidelity? 
Manifest your obedience, by immediately taking the 
oaths of allegiance in the common form before the 
council." 2 

The deputies replied that they would do as the 

1 Proposition of the French Am- on Thursday the 3d July, 1755. It 
bassador to the British Secretary of has been supposed, that these re- 
State, May, 1755, and answer. cords of the council are no longer 

9 Record of a council holden at in existence. But I have authentic 

the Governor's House in Halifax, copies of them. 


generality of the inhabitants should determine ; and chap. 
they merely entreated leave to return home and con- _^ 
suit the body of their people. 1755. 

The next day, the unhappy men, foreseeing the 
sorrows that menaced them, offered to swear allegiance 
unconditionally ; but they were told that by a clause 
in a British statute 1 persons who have once refused the 
oaths cannot be afterwards permitted to take them, 
but are to be considered as Popish Recusants ; and as 
such they were imprisoned. 

The Chief Justice, on whose opinion hung the fate 
of so many hundreds of innocent families, insisted that 
the French inhabitants were to be looked upon as con- 
firmed " rebels ;" who had now collectively and with- 
out exception become " recusants." Besides: they still 
counted in their villages " eight thousand" souls, and 
the English not more than "three thousand;" they 
stood in the way of " the progress of the settlement ;" 
" by their non-compliance with the conditions of the 
treaty of Utrecht, they had forfeited their possessions 
to the crown ;" after the departure " of the fleet and 
troops the province would not be in a condition to drive 
them out." "Such a juncture as the present might 
never occur ;" so he advised " against receiving any of 
the French inhabitants to take the oath," and for the 
removal of " all" of them from the province. 2 

That the cruelty might have no palliation, letters 
arrived, leaving no doubt, that the shores of the Bay 
of Fundy were entirely in the possession of the 
British ; 3 and yet at a council, at which Vice-Admi- 

1 Geo. II. c. xiii. 8 Council holden at the Gover- 

* Mr. Chief Justice Belcher's nor's House in Halifax, on Thurs- 

Opinion in Council as to the remo- day the 15th July, 1755. 

val of the French Inhabitants in 

Nova Scotia, 28 July, 1755. 


chap, ral Boscawen and the Eear-Admiral Mostyn were 
VIII. .... 

^^L, present by invitation, 1 it was unanimously determined 

1705. to send the French inhabitants out of the province; 
and after mature consideration it was further unani- 
mously agreed that, to prevent their attempting to 
return and molest the settlers that may be set down 
on their lands, it would be most proper to dis- 
tribute them amongst the several colonies on the 
continent. 2 

To hunt them into the net was impracticable ; arti- 
fice was therefore resorted to. By a general proclama- 
tion, on one and the same day, the scarcely conscious 
victims, " both old men and young men, as well as all 
the lads of ten years of age," were peremptorily 
ordered to assemble at their respective posts. On the 
appointed fifth of September, they obeyed. At 
Grand Pre, for example, four hundred and eighteen 
unarmed men came • together. They were marched 
into the church and its avenues were closed, when 
Winslow, the American commander, placed himself in 
their centre, and spoke : — 

" You are convened together to manifest to you 
his Majesty's final resolution to the French inhabit- 
ants of this his province. Your lands and tenements, 
cattle of all kinds, and live stock of all sorts, are 
forfeited to the crown, and you yourselves are to be 
removed from this his province. I am, through his 
Majesty's goodness, directed to allow you liberty to 
carry off your money and household goods, as many 

1 Lieut. Governor Lawrence to 2 Council holden at the Gover- 

Vice-Admiral Boscawen, and Rear- nor's House in Halifax, on Monday 

Admiral "Mostyn, Halifax, 14 July, the 28th July, 1755. 


as you can, without discommoding the vessels you go chap. 
in." And he then declared them the king's prison- ^^^ 
ers. Their wives and families shared their lot ; their 1755. 
sons, five hundred and twenty-seven in number, their 
daughters, five hundred and seventy-six ; in the whole, 
women and babes and old men and children all in- 
cluded, nineteen hundred and twenty-three souls. 
The blow was sudden ; they had left home but for 
the morning, and they never were to return. Their 
cattle were to stay unfed in the stalls, their fires to 
die out on their hearths. They had for that first day 
even no food for themselves or their children, and 
were compelled to beg for bread. . 

The tenth of September was the day for the em- 
barkation of a part of the exiles. They were drawn 
up six deep, and the young men, one hundred and 
sixty-one in number, were ordered to march first on 
board the vessel. They could leave their farms and 
cottages, the shady rocks on which they had reclined, 
their herds and their garners; but nature yearned 
within them, and they would not be separated from 
their parents. Yet of what avail was the frenzied 
despair of the unarmed youth ? They had not one 
weapon ; the bayonet drove them to obey ; and they 
marched slowly and. heavily from the chapel to the 
shore, between women and children, who, kneeling, 
prayed for blessings on their heads, they themselves 
weeping, and praying, and singing hymns. The 
seniors went next ; the wives and children must wait 
till other transport vessels arrive. The delay had its 
horrors. The wretched people left behind, were kept 
together near the sea, without proper food, or raiment, 
or shelter, till other ships came to take them away ; 
and December with its appalling cold, had struck the 


chap, shivering, half-clad, broken-hearted sufferers, before 


^^i, the last of them were removed. " The embarkation 
1755. of the inhabitants goes on but slowly," wrote Monck- 
ton, from Fort Cumberland, near which he had burn- 
ed three hamlets ; " the most part of the wives of 
the men we have prisoners are gone off with their 
children, in hopes I would not send off their husbands 
without them.' 1 Their hope was vain. Near Anna- 
polis, a hundred heads of families fled to the woods, 
and a party was detached on the hunt to bring them 
in. " Our soldiers hate them," wrote an officer on this 
occasion, " and if they can but find a pretext to kill 
them, they will." Did a prisoner seek to escape ? He 
was shot down by the sentinel. Yet some fled to 
Quebec ; more than three thousand had withdrawn to 
Miramichi, and the region south of the Ristigouche ; * 
some found rest on the banks of the St. John's and 
its branches ; some found a lair in their native forests ; 
some were charitably sheltered from the English in 
the wigwams of the savages. But seven 2 thousand of 
these banished people were driven on board ships, 
and scattered among the English colonies, from New 

Hampshire to Georgia ; one thousand and twenty 

to South Carolina alone. 3 They were cast ashore with- 
out resources ; hating the poor-house as a shelter for 
their offspring, and abhorring the thought of selling 
themselves as laborers. Households, too, were sepa- 

1 Petition of the French Acadi- transporting the said French inhab- 

ans at Miramichi, presented to De itants to the amount of near sev- 

Vaudreuil, the Governor of Oana- en thousand persons," &c. Oom- 

da, in July 1756. Compare Lieut, pare Lieut. Governor Lawrence's 

Gov. Belcher to Lords of Trade, circular to the Governors in Amer- 

14 April, 1761. . > ica, 11 August, 1755. "Their 

8 Kepresentation of the Lords of numbers amount to near seven 

Trade to the King, 20 December, thousand persons." 

1756. "The resolution being car- 3 Governor Lyttleton to Sec. H. 

ried into effectual execution by Fox, 16 June, 1796. 


rated ; the colonial newspapers contained advertise- chap. 

ments of members of families seeking their compan- , ^ 

ions, of sons anxious to reach and relieve their parents, 1755 . 
of mothers mourning for their children. 

The wanderers sighed for their native country; 
but, to prevent their return, their villages, from Anna- 
polis to the isthmus, were laid waste. Their old 
homes were but ruins. In the district of Minas, for 
instance, two hundred and fifty of their houses, and 
more than as many barns, were consumed. The live 
stock which belonged to them, consisting of great 
numbers of horned cattle, hogs, sheep and horses, 1 
were seized as spoils and disposed of by the English 
officials. A beautiful and fertile tract of country was 
reduced to a solitude. There was none left round the 
ashes of the cottages of the Acadians but the faithful 
watch-dog, vainly seeking the hands that fed him. 
Thickets of forest-trees choked their orchards; the 
ocean broke over their neglected dikes, and desolated 
their meadows. 

Relentless misfortune pursued the exiles wherever 
they fled. Those sent to Georgia, drawn by a love 
for the spot where they were born as strong as that of 
the captive Jews, who wept by the side of the rivers 
of Babylon for their own temple and land, escaped to 
sea in boats, and went coasting from harbor to har- 
bor ; but when they had reached New England, just 
as they would have set sail for their native fields, 
they were stopped by orders from Nova Scotia. 2 Those 
who dwelt on the St. John's were torn once more from 
their new homes. 3 "When Canada surrendered, hatred 

1 J. Pownall to S. Martin, 25 Representations of the Board of 
March, 1760, in Nova Scotia. B.T. 36. Trade against Reynolds, Governor 

2 Gov. Lyttleton of S. 0. to Fox, of Georgia. 

16 June, 1756. Gov. Lawrence, 3 Gov. Lawrence to Lords of 
Circular, 1 July, 1756. See also Trade, 11 May, 1760. 
VOL. IV. 18 


chap. with, its worst venom pursued the fifteen hundred, 
v-^ — . who remained south of the Ristigouche. 1 Once 
1755. those who dwelt in Pennsylvania presented a humble 
petition to the Earl of Loudoun, then the British 
commander-in-chief in America ; and the cold-hearted 
peer, offended that the prayer was made in French, 
seized their five principal men, who in their own 
land had been persons of dignity and substance, and 
shipped them to England, with the request, that they 
might be kept from ever again becoming troublesome 
by being consigned to service as common sailors on 
board ships of war. 2 No doubt existed of the king's 
approbation. 3 The Lords of Trade, more merciless 
than the savages and than the wilderness in winter, 
wished very much that every one of the Acadians 
should be driven out ; and when it seemed that the 
work was done, congratulated the king that "the 
zealous endeavors of Lawrence had been crowned 
with an entire success." 4 I know not if the annals of 
the human race keep the record of sorrows so wan- 
tonly inflicted, so bitter and so perennial, as fell upon 
the French inhabitants of Acadia. " We have been 
true," they said of themselves, " to our religion, and true 
to ourselves ; yet nature appears to consider us only 
as the objects of public vengeance." 5 The hand of the 
English official seemed under a spell with regard to 
them ; and was never uplifted but to curse them. 

1 Lieut. Gov. Belcher to Lords great expense which the public has 

of Trade, 14 April, 1761. been at in removing the French in- 

a Loudoun to Secretary of State, habitants, there should yet be 

25 April, 1757. many of them remaining. It is 

3 Lords of Trade to Gov. Law- certainly very much to be wished, 
rence, 25 March, 1756. that they could be entirely driven 

4 Lords of Trade to the King, 20 out of the Peninsula." . 
Dec. 1759. Same to Gov. Law- 6 From a petition of those at 
rence. " We are extremely sorry Mirainichi, in Memoires sur les Af- 
to find, that notwithstanding the faires du Canada. 




While the British interpretation of the bounda- chap. 
ries of Acadia was made good by occupation, the ^^ 
troops for the central expeditions had assembled at 1755. 
Albany. The army with which Johnson was to re- 
duce Crown Point consisted of New England militia, 
chiefly from Connecticut and Massachusetts. A regi- 
ment of five hundred foresters of New Hampshire 
were raising a fort in Coos, on the Connecticut ; but, 
under a new summons, they made the long march 
through the pathless region to Albany. Among them 
was John Stark, then a lieutenant, of a rugged nature, 
but of the coolest judgment ; skilled at discovering the 
paths of the wilderness, and knowing the way to the 
hearts of the backwoodsmen. The French, on the other 
hand, called every able-bodied man in the district of 
Montreal into active service for the defence of Crown 
Point, so that reapers had to be sent up from Three 
Rivers and Quebec to gather in the harvest. 1 

Early in August, the New England men, having 
Phinehas Lyman for their major-general, were finish- 

1 Breard to the Minister, 13 August, 1755. 


chap, ing Fort Edward, at the portage between the Hudson 
^^ and the headsprings of the Sorel. The forests were 
1755. never free from secret danger ; American scalps were 
sought for by the wakeful savage, to be strung toge- 
ther for the adornment of the wigwam. Towards the 
end of August, the untrained forces, which, with In- 
dians, amounted to thirty-four hundred men, were 
conducted by William Johnson across the portage of 
twelve miles, to the southern shore of the Lake, which 
the French called the Lake of the Holy Sacrament. 
" I found," said Johnson, " a mere wilderness ; never 
was house or fort erected here before ;" l and naming 
the waters Lake George, he cleared space for a camp 
of five thousand men. The lake protects him on the 
north ; his flanks are covered by a thick wood and a 
swamp. The tents of the husbandmen and mechanics, 
who form his summer army, are spread on a rising 
ground ; but no fortifications are raised, nor is even a 
trench thrown up. 2 On week-days, the men, accus- 
tomed to freedom, saunter to and fro in idleness ; or 
some, weary of inaction, are ready to mutiny and go 
home. On Sunday, all come forth and collect in the 
groves for the worship of God ; three hundred red 
men, also, regularly enlisted under the English flag, 
and paid from the English treasury, seat themselves 
on the hillock, and, while the light of a summer's 
afternoon is shedding its sweetest influence on the 
tops of the forest-clad mountains and on the still wa- 
ters of the deep transparent lake, they listen gravely 
to the interpretation of a long sermon. Meanwhile, 
wagon after wagon brought artillery, and stores and 

1 Johnson to Lords of Trade, 2 Elisha Hawley to his brother 
3 Sept. 1755. Joseph Hawley. Seth Pomroy's 




boats for the troops that were listlessly whiling away chap. 
the season. The enemy was more adventurous. ^^ 

" Boldness wins," was Dieskau's maxim. 1 Aban- 
doning the well-concerted plan of an attack on Os- 
wego, 2 Vaudreuil sent him to oppose the army of 
Johnson. For the defence of the crumbling fortress 
at Crown Point, seven hundred regulars, sixteen hun- 
dred Canadians, and seven hundred savages had as- 
sembled. Of these, three hundred or more were emi- 
grants from the Six Nations, domiciliated in Canada. 
Eager for distinction, Dieskau, taking with him six 
hundred savages, as many Canadians, and two hun- 
dred regular troops, ascended Lake Champlain to its 
head, and, after a three days' march, designed, at 
nightfall on the fourth, to attack Fort Edward. The 
guides took a false route ; and, as evening came on, 
the party found itself four miles from the fort, on the 
road to Lake George. The red men, who never obey 
implicitly, but insist upon deliberating with the com- 
mander and sharing his secrets, refused to attack the 
fort, but were willing to go against the army at the 
lake, which was thought to have neither artillery nor 

Late in the night following the seventh of Sep- 
tember, it was told in the camp at Lake George, that 
a large party of men had landed at the head of South 
Bay, and were travelling from Wood Creek to the 
Hudson. On the next morning, after a council of war, 
Ephraim Williams, a Massachusetts colonel, the same 
who, in passing through Albany, had made a bequest 
of his estate by will to found a free school, was sent 

1 Doreil to the Minister, 28 Oct. 2 Vaudreuil to the Minister, 24 
1755. July, 1755. 




C lx P ' W ^ a ^ ousan( l men to relieve Fort Edward. Among 
them was Israel Putnam, to whom, at the age of 
thirty-seven, the Assembly at Connecticut had just 
given the rank of a second lieutenant. 1 Two hundred 
warriors of the Six Nations went also, led by Hen- 
drick, the gray-haired chieftain, famed for his clear 
voice and flashing eye. They marched with rash 
confidence, a little less than three miles, to a defile, 
where the French and Indians had posted themselves 
on both sides of the way, concealed on the left by 
the thickets in the swamps, on the right by rocks and 
the forest that covered the continued rising ground. 
Before the American party were entirely within the 
ambush, the French Indians showed themselves to 
the Mohawks, but without firing on their kindred, 
leaving the Abenakis and Canadians to make the 
attack. Hendrick, who alone was on horseback, was 
killed on the spot. "Williams also fell ; but Nathan 
Whiting, of New Haven, conducted the retreat in 
good order, often rallying and turning to fire. 

The camp had still no intrenchments. When the 
noise of musketry was heard, two or three cannon 
were hastily brought up from the margin of the lake, 
and trees were felled for a breastwork. These, all too 
few to lie contiguously, formed with the wagons and 
baggage some protection to the New England militia, 
whose arms were but their fowling-pieces, without a 
bayonet among them all. It had been Dieskau's pur- 
pose to rush forward suddenly, and to enter the camp 
with the fugitives ; but the Iroquois took possession of 
a rising ground, and stood inactive. At this the Abe- 
nakis halted also ; and the Canadians became intimi- 

1 Records at Hartford for 29 the 3rd Regiment of Connecticut, 
Geo. ii. Putnam's commission as forwarded not before September 2, 
2nd Lieut, in tbe 6 th company of reached him after the battle. 





s I 


! 1 


gg : »; 


1 I 


1- i 



1 # SI'** 1 





dated. Dieskau, who was near the camp, advanced chap. 
with the regular troops to attack the centre, still ^^-L 
hoping to be sustained. But the Indians and Cana- 1755. 
dians scattered themselves through the wilderness of 
pitch-pines, and ascended a knoll within gun-shot, 
where they crouched below the undergrowth of shrubs 
and brakes. " Are these the so much vaunted troops V 
cried Dieskau, bitterly. The battle began between 
eleven and twelve; Johnson, slightly wounded, left 
the field at the beginning of the action, and for five 
hours the New England people, under their own offi- 
cers, good marksmen and taking sight, kept up the 
most violent fire that had as yet been known in Ame- 
rica. Almost &l\ the French regulars perished ; Dies- 
kau was wounded thrice, but would not retire. Two 
Canadians came to carry him off; one was shot dead 
by his side ; he dismissed the other, and, bidding his 
servants place his military dress near him, he seated 
himself on the stump of a tree, exposed to the rattle 
of the bullets. At last, as the Americans, leaping 
over their slight defences, drove the enemy to flight, 
a renegade Frenchman wantonly fired at the unhappy 
man, and wounded him incurably. 

Brief was the American career of the fearless 
Dieskau. In June his eye had first rested on the cliff 
of Quebec; he had sailed proudly up the stream 
which was the glory of Canada ; had made his way to 
the highland sources of the Sorel ; and now, mangled 
and helpless, lay a prisoner within the limits of the 
pretended French dominion. 1 

Of the Americans there fell on that day about two 
hundred and sixteen, and ninety-six were wounded; 

1 Dieskan to the ministers, 14 September, 1755, and also to Yau- 
drenil Letters of Montreuil. 


chap, of the French the loss was not much greater. Towards 


V _^L, sunset, a party of three hundred French, who had 
1755. rallied, and were retreating in a body, at two miles 
from the lake, were attacked by McGinnes, of New 
Hampshire, who, with two hundred men of that col- 
ony, was marching across the portage from Port 
Edward. Panic-stricken by the well concerted move- 
ment, the enemy fled, leaving their baggage ; but the 
brave McGinnes was mortally wounded. 

The disasters of the year led the English ministry 
to exult in the defeat and repulse of Dieskau. The 
House of Lords, in an elegant address, praised the 
colonists as " brave and faithful ;" Johnson became a 
baronet, and received a gratuity of five thousand 
pounds. But he did little to gain the victory, which 
was due to the enthusiasm of the New England men. 
" Our all," they cried, " depends on the success of this 
expedition." a Come," said Pomeroy, of Massachusetts, 
to his friends at home, " come to the help of the Lord 
against the mighty ; you that value our holy religion 
and our liberties will spare nothing, even to the one 
half of your estate." And in all the villages " the 
prayers of God's people " went up, that " they might 
be crowned with victory to the glory of God ;" for 
the war with France seemed a war for Protestantism 
and freedom. 

But Johnson knew not how to profit by success ; 
with a busy air, he kept the men all day on their 
arms, and at night, "half of the whole were on 
guard." Shirley and the New England provinces, and 
his own council of war, urged him to advance ; but 
while the ever active French took post at Ticonde- 
roga, as Duquesne had advised, he loitered away the 
autumn, " expecting very shortly a more formidable 



attack with artillery," and building Fort William ciiap. 
Henry, a useless fort of wood near Lake George. ^^ 
When winter approached, he left six hundred men as 1755. 
a garrison, and dismissed the New England militia to 
their firesides. 

Of the enterprise against Western New York 
Shirley assumed the conduct. The fort at Niagara 
was but a house, almost in ruins, surrounded by a 
small ditch and a rotten palisade of seven or eight 
feet high. The garrison was but of thirty men, most 
of them scarcely provided with muskets. There 
Shirley, with an effective force of little less than two 
thousand men, was to welcome the victor of the Ohio. 

But the news of Braddock's defeat overtook and 
disheartened the party. The boatmen on the Mo- 
hawk were intractable ; at the carrying place there 
were not sledges enough to bear the military stores 
over the morasses. On the twenty-first of August, 
Shirley reached Oswego. Weeks passed in building 
boats ; on the eighteenth of September, six hundred 
men were to embark on Lake Ontario, when a storm 
prevented ; afterwards head winds raged ; then a 
tempest made navigation difficult ; then sickness pre- 
vailed ; then the Indians deserted ; and then the sea- 
son gave him an excuse for retreating. So, on the 
twenty-fourth of October, having constructed a new 
fort at Oswego, and placed Mercer in command, with 
a garrison of seven hundred men, he left the borders 
of Lake Ontario. 

At this time a paper by Franklin, published in 
Boston, and reprinted in London, had drawn the 
attention of all observers to the rapid increase of the 


chap, population in the colonies. 1 " Upon the best inquiry 
^^ I can make," wrote Shirley, " I have found the calcu- 
1755. lations right. The number of the inhabitants is dou- 
bled every twenty years ;" and as the demand for 
British manufactures, with a corresponding employ- 
ment of shipping, increased with even greater rapid- 
ity, he found in them inexhaustible resources of wealth 
for a maritime power. But this great increase, com- 
bined with the political vigor and sagacity which was 
displayed in the plan of union framed by the Con- 
gress at Albany, excited alarm in England, lest the 
regions of which she was making the conquest should 
assert their independence. But Shirley calmed the 
rising fear. "Apprehensions," 2 said he, "have been 
entertained, that they will in time unite to throw off 
their dependency upon their mother country, and set 
up one general government among themselves. But 
if it is considered how different the present constitu- 
tions of their respective governments are from each 
other, how much the interests of some of them clash, 
and how opposed their tempers are, such a coalition 
among them will seem highly improbable. At all 
events, they could not maintain such an independency 
without a strong naval force, which it must for ever 
be in the power of Great Britain to hinder them 
from having. And whilst his majesty hath seven 
thousand troops kept up within them, with the In- 
dians at command, it seems easy, provided his Gov- 
ernors and principal officers are independent of the 
Assemblies for their subsistence, and commonly vigi- 

: Paper annexed to William 2 Gov. Shirley to Sir Thomas 

Clarke's Observations on the late Kobinson, 15 August, 1755, receiv- 

and present conduct of the French, ed in London 20 November, 1755. 


lant, to prevent any step of that kind from being chap. 
taken." Thus was the jealousy of the British govern- ^^L. 
ment excited, and thus was it soothed. Little was it 1755, 
foreseen, that the measures proposed to secure the 
colonies, were to be the means of effecting their union 
and separate existence. 

The topic which Shirley discussed with the minis- 
try, engaged the thoughts of the Americans, who saw 
visions of coming glory. At Worcester, a thriving 
village, of about a thousand people, or perhaps less, 
the whole town was immersed in politics. The inter- 
ests of nations and the horrors of war made the sub- 
ject of every conversation. The master of the town 
school, where the highest wages were sixty dollars for 
the season, a young man of hardly twenty, just from 
Harvard College, and at that time meditating to 
become a preacher, would sit and hear, and, escaping 
from a maze of observations, would sometimes retire, 
and, by "laying things together, form some reflections 
pleasing" to himself; for he loved the shady thickets 
and gloomy grottoes, where he would sit by the hour 
and listen to the falls of water. 1 " All creation," he 
would say in his musings, "is liable to change. 
Mighty states are not exempted. Soon after the re- 
formation, a few people came over into this new world 
for conscience' sake. This apparently trivial incident 
may transfer the great seat of empire into America. 
If we can remove the turbulent Gallics, our people, 
according to the exactest calculations, will, in another 
century, become more numerous than England itself. 
All Europe will not be able to subdue us. The only 
way to keep us from setting up for ourselves is to dis- 

1 John Adams' Diary, 264. 


chap, unite us." l Such were the dreams of John Adams. 

IX . i 

^^Ls while teacher of a New England free school. Within 
1755. twenty-one years he shall assist in declaring his coun- 
try's independence ; in less than thirty, this master of 
the town school of Worcester, after a career of dan* 
ger and effort, shall stand before the king of Great 
Britain, the acknowledged Envoy of the free and 
United States of America. 

The military operations in America might be re- 
spectively explained as acts of defence, to be settled 
by an adjustment of boundaries. The capture of the 
Alcide and the Lys by Boscawen, known in London 
on the fifteenth of July, 2 was an act of open hostility, 
and it was considered what instructions should be 
given to the British marine. * The princess, mother of 
George the Third, inveighed most bitterly "against 
not pushing the French every where ; the parliament 
would never bear the suffering the French to bring 
home their trade and sailors." 8 She wished Hanover 
in the sea, as the cause of all misfortunes. Newcastle 
suggested trifles, to delay a decision. " If we are con- 
vinced it must be war, I," said Cumberland, " have no 
notion of not making the most of the strength and 
opportunity in our hands." The Earl of Granville 
was against meddling with trade. "It is vexing your 
neighbors for a little muck." " I," said Newcastle, 
the prime minister, " think some middle way may be 
found out." He was asked what way. " To be sure," 
he replied, "Hawke must go out; but he may be 

1 Letter of John Adams, 12 Oc- with other most interesting ruann- 

tobor, 1755. I quote from the ori- scripts. 

ginal letter, which the late John 2 Memoire contenant le Precis 

Quincy Adams had the goodness to des Faits, 54, 55. 

leave with me for a time, together 3 Dodington's Diary. 


ordered not to attack the enemy, unless he thinks chap. 
it worth while." He was answered, that Hawke was ^^L, 
too wise to do any thing at all, which others, when 1755. 
done, were to pronounce he ought to be hanged for. 
" What," replied the Duke, " if he had orders not to 
fall upon the French, unless they were more in num- 
ber together than ten ?" The Brest squadron, it was 
replied, is but nine. " I mean ' that," resumed New- 
castle, " of the merchantmen only." Thus he proceed- 
ed with inconceivable absurdity. 1 France and Eng- 
land were still at peace ; and their commerce was mu- 
tually protected by the sanctity of treaties. Of a sud- 
den, hostile orders were issued 'to all British vessels of 
war to take all French vessels, private as well as pub- 
lic ; and, without warning, ships from the French col- 
onies, the ships bound from Martinico to Marseilles, 
ft eighted with the rich products of plantations tilled 
by the slaves of the Jesuits, 2 the fishing-smacks in 
which the humble Breton mariners ventured to New- 
foundland, whale-ships returning from their adven- 
tures, the scanty fortunes with which poor men 
freighted the little barks engaged in the coasting 
trade, were within one month, by violence and by 
cowardly artifices, seized by the British marine, and 
carried into English ports. " What has taken place," 
wrote Rouille, under the eye of Louis the Fifteenth, 
" is nothing but a system of piracy on a grand scale, 
unworthy of a civilized people. In time of full peace, 
merchant-ships have been seized, to the value of thirty 
millions of livres." As no declaration of war had 

1 Dodington's Diary. Walpole's 2 De Tocqueville : Histoire Phi- 
Memoires of George III. and let- losophique du regne de Louis XV. 
ters. Waldegrave's Memoirs. Mas- ii. 287. 
san : Histoire de la Diplomatic 
Fran§oise, vi. 

VOL. iv. 19 

21 S 


chap, taken place, the courts of Admiralty could not then 

. f L* interpose, to give a warrant to the outrage. The sun) 

1755. afterwards paid into the British exchequer, as the 
king's share of the spoils, was about seven hundred 
thousand pounds. Eight thousand French seamer 
were held in captivity. All France resented the per- 
fidy. " Never," said Louis the Fifteenth, " will I for- 
give the piracies of this insolent nation f and, in a 
letter to George the Second, he demanded ample repa- 
ration for the insult to the flag of France by Boscawen, 
and for the piracies of the English men-of-war, com- 
mitted in defiance of international law, the- faith of 
treaties, the usages of civilized nations, and the reci- 
procal duties of kings. 1 The wound inflicted on 
France by this robbery of private property on the 
high seas before a declaration of war, rankled inward- 
ly, and for a whole generation was ready to bleed 
afresh. At the time, the seizure of so many thousand 
French seamen was a subject of boast in the British 
parliament ; and the people, proud of their strength 
on the ocean, were almost unanimous for engaging in 
war. But its successful conduct seemed to require 
united activity in America and allies in Europe. 

Corruption and force are the instruments of fee- 
bleness ; the incompetent ministry knew not how to 
use the one or the other. They turned to Kussia ; 
and with as much blindness to the interests of their 
country, as indifference to every thing but the posses- 
sion of place, they instructed Sir Hanbury "Williams, 
the new envoy at St. Petersburg, a diplomatist boast- 
ful of his powers of observation, and yet credulous 

1 Louis XV. to Geo. II., 21 October, 1755. 


and easily deceived, to introduce Russia as supervisor chap. 
of the affairs of Germany. "Seize the opportunity," w^L. 
such was the substance of the instructions given 1 by 1755. 
the British ministry to the British ambassador of that 
day, " seize the opportunity to convince the Russians, 
that they will remain only an Asiatic power, if they 
allow the king of Prussia to carry through his plans 
of aggrandizement f and full authority was given to 
effect an alliance with Russia to overawe Prussia, and 
control the politics of Germany. Yet at that time 
Frederic manifested no purpose of making conquests. 
In this manner a treaty was concluded by which 
England, on the point of incurring the hostility of the 
Catholic princes, bound itself to pay to Russia at least 
half a million of dollars annually, and contingently 
two and a half million of dollars, in order to balance 
and paralyze the influence of the only considerable 
protestant monarchy on the continent. The English 
king was so eagerly bent on this shameful negotiation, 
that Bestuchef, the Russian minister, obtained a gra- 
tuity of fifty thousand dollars, and one or two others 
received payments in cash and annuities. " A little 
increase of the money to be paid," said Bestuchef, 
"would be extremely agreeable. Fifty thousand 
pounds for the private purse of the empress would put 
her and her court at his majesty's management." 2 
So venal were the princes of that day, that the aid of 
the Russian empire was for sale ; and the empress her- 
self in the market at fifty thousand pounds. 8 At the 
same time an extravagant treaty for subsidies was 

1 Instructions from Lord Holder- 2 Sir Hanbury Williams to Hol- 

nesse to Sir Hanbury Williams, 11 dernesse, 9 and 11 August, 1755. 
April, 1755. Von Raumer's Bey- 3 Friedrich von Raumer's Konig 

trage, ii. 286. Friedrich II. und seine Zeit, 294. 


chap, framed with Hesse/ whose Elector bargained at high 
i^L, rates for the use of his troops for the defence of Han 
1755. over, or if^ needed, of the British dominions. New- 
castle was sure of his majority in the House of Com- 
mons ; but William Pitt, though poor, and recently 
married, and holding the lucrative office of paymaster, 
declared his purpose of opposing the treaty with Rus- 
sia. Newcastle sent for Pitt, offered him kind words 
from his sovereign, influence, preferment, confidence. 
Expressing devotion to the king, Pitt was inexorable ; 
he would support the Hessian treaty, which was only 
a waste of money ; but not a system of treaties, dan- 
gerous to the liberties of Germany and of Europe. 
Nervous from fright, Newcastle was disposed at once 
to resign power to Fox. " You are not fit to be first 
minister," was the sneer of Granville ; and Newcastle 
did not recover courage till in November Fox con- 
sented to accept the seals and defend the treaties. At 
the great debate, 2 Pitt taunted the majority, which 
was as three to one, with corruption and readiness 
" to follow their leader f and, indirectly attacking the 
subjection of the throne to aristocratic influence, de- 
clared that a the king owes a supreme service to his 
people." Pitt was dismissed from office, and George 
Grenville, with Legge, the Chancellor of the Exche- 
quer, and Charles Townshend, went into retirement in 
his company. 

Having nothing to rely on but the corrupt influ- 
ence of the aristocracy, Newcastle now sought to 
unite it, by a distribution of pensions and places. 
This is the moment when Hillsborough first obtained 
an employment, when the family of Yorke named 

1 Jenkinson's Collection of Trea- s Walpole's Memoires of George 
ties, iii. 30—53. I., i. 418. 


Soarne Jenyns for a Lord of Trade ; and when Bed- chap. 
ford was propitiated by the appointment of his par- ^^ 
tisan, Kichard Rigby, to a seat at the same Board. 1755. 
The administration proceeded, possessing the vote but 
not the respect of parliament ; at variance with the 
people of England and with the colonies ; beaten 
from the Ohio valley, and in Europe squandering 
English money to engage armies which were to be 
used only against England and her allies. The 
treaty was hardly concluded, before the ministry 
yielded to the impulse given by Pitt ; and, after subsi- 
dizing Russia to obtain the use of the Russian troops 
against Frederic, it negotiated an alliance with Fred- 
eric himself, not to permit the entrance of Russian 
or any other foreign troops into Germany. 

At the head of the American forces this ministry 
had placed Shirley, a worn-out barrister, who knew 
nothing of war. In the security of a congress of gov- 
ernors at New York, he in December planned a 
splendid campaign for the following year. Quebec 
was to be menaced by way of the Kennebec and the 
Chaudiere ; Frontenac and Toronto and Niagara were 
to be taken; and then Fort Duquesne and Detroit 
and Mchihmackinac, deprived of their communica- 
tions, were of course -to surrender. Sharpe, of Mary- 
land, thought all efforts vain, unless parliament should 
interfere ; and this opinion he enforced in many let- 
ters to his correspondents. 1 His colleagues and the 
officers of the army were equally importunate. "If 175 0. 
they expect success at home," wrote Gage, in January, 
1756, echoing the common opinion of those around 

1 See the Correspondence of Sharpe with his brother in Eng- 
land, and his colleagues in America. 




chap. Mm, " acts of parliament must be made to tax the 
<^L, provinces, in proportion to what each is able to bear ; 
175 6. to make one common fund and pursue one uniform 
plan for America." 1 " You," said Sir Charles Hardy, 
the new governor of New York to the Lords of 
Trade, " you will be much more able to settle it for 
us, than we can ourselves." 2 

From the Old Dominion, Dinwiddie continued to 
urge a general land-tax and poll-tax for all the colo- 
nies. " Our people," said he, " will be inflamed, if 
they hear of my making this proposal ;" but he reiter- 
ated the hopelessness of obtaining joint efforts of the 
colonies by appeals to American assemblies. He 
urged also the subversion of Charter governments; 
" for," said he to the Secretary of State, " I am full 
of opinion we shall continue in a most disunited and 
distracted condition, till his majesty takes the propri- 
etary governments into his own hands. Till these 
governments are under his majesty's immediate direc- 
tion, all expeditions will prove unsuccessful. These 
dominions, if properly protected, will be the "Western 
and best empire in the world." 8 

With more elaborateness and authority, Shirley, 4 
by his military rank as commander-in-chief, taking 
precedence of all the governors, renewed his plans, 
and still pleading for "a general fund," he assured 
the ministers that the several assemblies would not 
agree among themselves upon such a fund ; that, 
consequently, it must be done in England ; and that 
the only effectual way of doing it there would be 

1 Gage to the Earl of Albemarle, 3 Lieutenant-Governor Dinwid- 

22 Jan., 1756. die to Secretary Fox, 1756. 

8 Sir Charles Hardy to the Lords 4 Shirley to Lords of Trade, 5 

of Trade, January, 1756. January, 1756. 


by an act of parliament, in which he professed to chap. 
have great reason to think the people would readily s—^w 
acquiesce. The success of any other measure would 1756. 
be doubtful ; and, suggesting a " stamp-duty," as 
well as an excise and a poll-tax, he advised " for the 
general satisfaction of the people in each colony, to 
leave it to their choice to raise the sum assessed 
upon them according to their own discretion;" but, 
in case of failure, "proper officers" were to collect 
the revenue "by warrants of distress and imprison- 
ment of persons." 1 Shirley was a civilian, versed in 
English law, and now for many years a crown officer 
in the colonies. His opinion carried great weight, 
and it became, henceforward, a firm persuasion 
among the Lords of Trade, especially Halifax, 
Soame Jenyns, and Rigby, as weir as with all who 
busied themselves with schemes of government for 
America, that the British parliament must take upon 
itself the establishment and collection of an American 

While the officers of the Crown were thus con- 
spiring against American liberty, the tomahawk was* 
uplifted along the ranges of the Alleghanies. The 
governor of Virginia 2 pressed upon Washington the 
rank of colonel and the command of the volunteer 
companies which were to guard its frontier, from 
Cumberland, through the whole valley of the She- 
nandoah. Difficulties of all kinds gathered in his 
path. The humblest captain that held a royal com- 

1 See the Pamphlet written lonies Reviewed, pp. 196, 197. 

jointly by Wm. Knox and George a Dinwiddie to Lords of Trade, 

Grenville. The Controversy be- 6 September, 1755. 
tween Great Britain and her Co- 


chap, missiop claimed to be Ms superior ; and, for the pur- 
^^ pose of a personal appeal to Shirley, 1 lie made a 
1756. winter's journey to Boston. How different was to be 
his next entry into that town ! Shirley, who wished 
to make him second 2 in command in an expedition 
against Fort Duquesne, sustained his claim. 8 When 
his authority was established, his own officers still 
needed training and instruction, tents, arms, and am- 
munition. He visited in person the outposts, from 
the Potomac to Fort Dinwiddie, on Jackson's Kiver ; 
but he had not force enough to protect the region. 
The low countries could not spare their white men, 
for these must watch their negro slaves. From the 
Western Valley every settler had already been 
driven. From the valley of the Shenandoah they 
were beginning to retreat, in droves of fifties, till 
the Blue Ridge became the frontier of Virginia. 
"The supplicating tears of the women and moving 
petitions of the men," wrote Washington, " melt me 
into such deadly sorrow, that, for the people's ease, 
I could offer myself a willing sacrifice to the butcher- 
ing enemy." 

The interior settlements of Pennsylvania were ex- 
posed to the same calamities, and domestic faction 
impeded measures of defence. In that province, 
where popular power was intrenched impregnably, 
the proprietaries, acting in concert with the Board of 
Trade, sought to enlarge their prerogatives ; to take 
into their own hands the management of the revenue 

1 Dinwiddie to Shirley, 1756. 3 Shirley to Sharpe, 5 March, 

* Shirley to Sharpe, 16 May, 1756. 
1756. Halifax to Sir Charles Har- 
dy, 31 March, 1756. 


from excise ; to restrain and regulate the emissions chap. 
of paper money ; to make their own will, rather than ^^ 
good behavior, the tenure of office. But the As- 175 6. 
sembly was inflexible in connecting their grants for 
the public service with the preservation of their ex- 
ecutive influence and the taxation of " all estates 
real and personal, those of the proprietaries not ex- 

"While these passionate disputes were raging, it 
was represented in England that the frontier of the 
province was desolate and defenceless ; that the 
Shawnees had scaled the mountains, and prowled 
with horrible ferocity along the branches of the Sus- 
quehanna and the Delaware ; that, in the time of a 
yearly meeting of Quakers, the bodies of a German 
family, murdered and mangled by the savages, had 
been brought down to Philadelphia ; that men had 
even surrounded the Assembly, demanding protec- 
tion, which was withheld. 

But the Assembly had already, by provincial 
laws, provided quarters for the British soldiers ; had 
established a voluntary militia ; and, when the pro- 
prietaries consented to pay five thousand pounds to- 
wards the public defence, had granted fifty-five thou- 
sand more. Franklin, who was one of the commis- 
sioners to apply the money, yielded to the wish of 
the governor, and took charge of the northwestern 
border. Men came readily under his command, and 
he led them through dangerous defiles, to build a fort 
at Gnadenhutten on the Lehigh. The Indians had 
made the village a scene of silence and desolation ; 
the mangled inhabitants lay near the ashes of their 
houses unburied, exposed to birds and beasts of prey. 
With Franklin came every thing that could restore • 


chap, security ; and his prudence, humanity, and pa- 
v_,_ tience succeeded in establishing the intended line ot 
1756. forts. Eecalled to Philadelphia, he found that the 
voluntary association for defence ♦under the militia 
law went on with great success. Almost all the in- 
habitants, who were not Quakers, joined together to 
form companies which themselves elected their offi- 
cers. The officers of the companies chose Franklin 
colonel of their regiment of twelve hundred men, and 
he accepted the post. 

Here again was a new increase of popular power. 
Franklin, with his military command, might, it was 
feared, wrest the government from the proprietaries ; 
nor would the metropolis tolerate a militia which had 
the appointment of its own officers. In the House of 
Commons, Lord George Sackville charged the situa- 
tion of affairs in America " on the defects of the con- 
stitution cf the colonies." He would have " one 
power established there." 1 "The militia law of 
Pennsylvania," he said, " was designed to be ineffec- 
tual. It offered no compulsion, and, moreover, gave 
the nomination of officers to the people." The ad- 
ministration hearkened to a scheme for dissolving 
the Assembly of that province by act of parlia- 
ment, and disfranchising u the Quakers for a limited 
time," till laws for armed defence and for diminish- 
ing the power of the people could be framed by 

After the long councils of indecision, the ministry 
of Newcastle, shunning altercations with colonial as- 
semblies, gave a military character to the interference 

1 Walpole'sMemoires of Geo. EL, ii., 8. 


of Great Britain in American affairs. To New York 1 ckaf. 


instructions were sent a not to press the establish- ^^ 
inent of a perpetual revenue for the present." The 175 6. 
northern colonies, whose successes at Lake George 
had mitigated the disgraces of the previous year, 
were encouraged by a remuneration ; and, as a mea- 
sure of temporary expediency, not of permanent 
policy or right, as a gratuity to stimulate exertions, 
and not to subsidize subjects, one hundred and fifteen 
thousand pounds were granted to them in proportion 
to their efforts. Of this sum fifty-four thousand 
pounds fell to Massachusetts, twenty-six thousand to 
Connecticut, fifteen thousand to New York. 2 At the 
same time the military affairs of the continent were 
consolidated, with some reference to opinions and 
precedents as old as the reign of William the Third. 
The Board of Trade, first called into existence in 
1696, had hardly been constituted, before it was 
summoned to plan unity in the military efforts of the 
provinces ; and Locke, with his associates, despaired 
on beholding them " crumbled into little govern- 
ments, disunited in interests, in an ill posture and 
much worse disposition to afford assistance to each 
other for the future." The Board, in 1697, "after 
considering with their utmost care," could only re- 
commend the appointment of "a captain-general of 
all the forces and all the militia of all the provinces 
on the continent of North America, with power to 
levy and command them for their defence, under 
such limitations and instructions as to his Majesty 
should seem best ;" " to appoint officers to train the in- 

1 Lords of Trade to Sir Charles Treasury, 12 Feb., 1756 ; and to 
Hardy. Secretary of State, 16 January, 

2 Lords of Trade to Lords of the 1756. 


habitants ;? " from the Quakers to receive in money 
their share of assistance;" and "to keep the Five 
1756. Nations firm in friendship." "Eewards" were to be 
given " for all executions done by the Indians on the 
enemy, and the scalps they should bring in to be well 
paid for." 1 

In 1721, this plan of a military dictatorship was, 
in a most elaborate state paper, revived and modified. 
All the provinces were to be placed "under the 
government of one lord-lieutenant or captain-general," 
to be " constantly attended by two or more council- 
lors deputed from each plantation," and to " have a 
fixed salary independent of the pleasure of the inhab- 
itants." " By this means, it was thought, a general 
contribution of men or money might be raised upon 
the several colonies, in proportion to their respective 
abilities." 2 How an American revenue was to flow 
from such an appointment was not fully disclosed. 
At that time the Earl of Stair 8 was selected as vice- 
roy ; but he declined the post before the arrange- 
ments were completed. The plan was now to be par- 
tially carried into effect. On the instance of Cum- 
berland and Fox, Shirley was superseded and ordered 
to return to England, and the Earl of Loudoun, a 
friend of Halifax, passionately zealous for the subor- 
dination and inferiority of the colonies, was appointed 
commander-in-chief of the army throughout the Brit- 
ish continental provinces in America. His dignity 
was enhanced by his appointment as governor of the 
central, ancient, and populous dominion of Virginia. 

1 Plantations General, A. 59. 3 The Earl of Stair's Plan of 

2 See the elaborate Representa- Government, is in the British Mu- 
tion of the Lords of Trade to the seum. 

King, 1721. N.Y.Lon. Documents. 



This commission, which was prepared by the chancel- chap. 
lor, Hardwicke, established a military power through- « — , — ■ 
out the continent, independent of the colonial govern- 1756. 
ors, and superior to them. They in right of their 
office might claim to be the civil and military repre- 
sentatives of the king ; yet they could not give the 
word within their own respective provinces except 
in the absence of the continental commander and 
his representatives ; 1 and this commission, so con- 
trary to the spirit of the British constitution, was re- 
newed successively and without change till the period 
of independence. Such were the powers with which 
Loudoun was sent forth to unite America by mili- 
tary rule, to sway its magistrates by his authority, 
and to make its assemblies " distinctly and precisely 
understand" that the king " required" of them " a 
general fund, to be issued and applied as the com- 
mander-in-chief should direct," and " provision for 
all such charges as might arise from furnishing quar- 

The administration was confirmed in its purpose 
of throwing the burden of furnishing quarters upon 
the colonies by the authority of Murray. His opinion 
against the statute of Pennsylvania, which, in extend- 
ing the act of parliament to punish mutiny, regulated 
the providing of quarters, drew a distinction between 
Englishmen and Americans. " The law," said he, 
" assumes propositions true in the mother country, 
and rightly asserted in the reign of Charles the First 
and Charles the Second, in times of peace, and when 
soldiers were kept up without the consent of parlia- 
ment ; but the application of such positions, in time 

1 See the Commission and Instructions. 
VOL. iv. 20 


chap, of war, in the case of troops raised for their pro-' 
v _ y _ x tection by the authority of parliament, — made the 
1756. first time by an assembly, many of whom plead 
what they call conscience for not joining in the mili- 
tary operations to resist the enemy, — should not be 
allowed to stand as law." This act, therefore, was 
repealed by the king in council ; and the rule was 
established 1 without limitation, that troops might 
be kept up in the colonies and quartered on them at 
pleasure, without the consent of their American par- 

Thus, after sixty years of advice from the Board of 
Trade, a permanent army was established in Amer- 
ica. Nothing seemed wanting but an act of parlia- 
ment for an American revenue. The obstinacy of 
Pennsylvania was pleaded as requiring it. 2 On the 
questions affecting that province, the Board of Trade 
listened to Charles Yorke on the side of prerogative, 
while Charles Pratt spoke for colonial liberty; and 
after a long hearing, Halifax and Soame Jenyns, and 
Bedford's dependent, Richard Rigby, and Talbot 
joined in advising an immediate act of the British 
legislature to overrule the charter of the colony. But 
the ministry was rent by factions, and their fluctua- 
ting tenure of office made it difficult to mature novel 
or daring measures of legislation. There existed no 
central will, that could conquer Canada, or subvert 
the liberties of America. 

A majority of the Treasury Board, as well as the 
Board of Trade, favored American taxation by act of 
parliament ; none scrupled as to the power ; but " the 

1 Order in Council, 7 July, 1756. in the House of Commons, Feb. 3, 
8 Garth's Report of the Debate 1766. 


unfit" Lyttelton, then chancellor of the exchequer, chap. 
though fixed in his opinions, could not mature ^1, 
schemes of finance; and the British statutes, 1 which 1756, 
manifest the settled purpose 2 of raising a revenue out 
of the traffic between the American continent and 
the West India Islands, show that the execution of 
that purpose was at that session, and twice after- 
wards, deferred to a quieter period. 

Still parliament, in the session of 1756, extended 
its authority signally over America. There foreign 
Protestants might be employed as engineers and offi- 
cers to enlist a regiment of aliens. 3 Indented ser- 
vants might be accepted, and their masters were re- 
ferred for compensation to the respective assemblies ; 4 
and the naval code of England was extended to all 
persons employed in the king's service on the lakes, 
great waters, or rivers of North America. 5 The 
militia law of Pennsylvania was repealed by the king 
in council; the commissions of all officers elected 
under it were cancelled; the companies themselves 
were broken up and dispersed. And while volun- 
teers were not allowed to organize themselves for de- 
fence, the humble intercession of the Quakers with 
the Delawares, the little covenants resting on confi- 
dence and ratified by presents, peaceful stipulations 
for the burial of the tomahawk and the security of 
the frontier fireside and the cradle, were censured by 
Lord Halifax as the most daring violation of the 
royal prerogative. Each northern province also was 
forbidden to negotiate with the Indians ; and their re- 

1 29 Geo. II., c. xxvi. ; 31 Geo. 3 29 Geo. II., c. v. 
II., c. xxxvi., § 3 ; 1 Geo. III., 4 29 Geo. II., c. xxxv. 
c. iv. 6 29 Geo. II., c. xxvii. 

2 Letter of Bollan to Massachu- 
setts, in May, 1756. 


chap, lations were intrusted solely to Sir William Johnson, 

_^L with no subordination but to Loudoun. 

1756. Yet all could not prevail. " In a few years," said 
one, who, after a long settlement in New England, 
had just returned home, the colonies of " America 
will be independent of Britain;" and at least one 
voice was raised to advise the sending out of Duke 
"William of Cumberland to be their sovereign and 
emancipating them at once. 



The open declaration of war was not made lby 


England till May; though her navy had all the x. * 
while been employed in despoiling the commerce ^ ' 
of France. At the commencement of avowed hos- 
tilities, she forbade neutral vessels to carry mer- 
chandise belonging to her antagonist. Frederick of 
Prussia had insisted, that, " by the law of nations, the 
goods of an enemy cannot be taken from on board 
the ships of a friend;" that free ships make free 
goods. Against this interpretation of public law, the 
learning of Murray had been called into service; 
and, pleading ancient usage against the lessons of 
wiser times, he gave the elaborate opinion which 
formed the basis of English policy and Admiralty 
law, 1 that the effects of an enemy can be seized 
on board the vessel of a friend. This may be 
proved, said Murray, by authority; and the illus- 
trious jurist did not know that humanity appeals 

1 Eepresentation to the King chell, Secretary to the Prussian 

(drawn by Murray), 18 January, Embassy at London, 8 February, 

1753. Duke of Newcastle to Mi- 1753. 


chap, from the despotic and cruel precedents of the past 
^_, to the more intelligent and more humane spirit 
1756. of advancing civilization. Neutral nations believed 
in their right " to carry in their vessels, unmo- 
lested, the property" of belligerents ; but Britain, to 
give efficacy to her naval power, "seized on the 
enemy's property which she found on board neutral 
ships." With the same view, she arbitrarily invaded 
the sovereignty of Holland, capturing its vessels 
whose cargoes might be useful for her navy. The 
treaties between England and Holland 1 stipulated 
expressly that free ships should make free goods, that 
the neutral should enter safely and unmolested all the 
harbors of the belligerents, unless they were block- 
aded or besieged ; that the contraband of war should 
be strictly hmited to arms, artillery, and horses, and 
should not include materials for ship-building. But 
Great Britain, in the exercise of its superior strength, 
arbitrarily prohibited the commerce of the Nether- 
lands in naval stores ; denied them the right to be- 
come the carriers of French colonial products, and 
declared all the harbors of all France to be in a state 
of blockade, and all vessels bound to them lawful 
prizes. 2 Such was the rule of 1756. " To charge 
England with ambition," said Charles Jenkinson, 8 an 
Oxford scholar, who had given up the thought of 
entering the church, and hoped for success in public 
life ; " to charge England with ambition must appear 
so absurd to all who understand the nature of her 
government, that at the bar of reason it ought to be 

1 Treaty of Commerce between caise, vi., 64, 65. Heeren's Histo- 
England and Holland, 1 December, rische Werke, ix., 47. 

1674. 3 A Discourse on the Conduct 

2 Van Kampen's Geschichte der of the Government of Great Britain 
Niederlande, ii., 443. Flassan : in respect to Neutral Nations, dur- 
Histoire de la Diplomatie Fran- ing the present War. 


treated rather as calumny than accusation." The 
grave confidence of his discourse was by his own 
countrymen deemed conclusive; but the maritime 1756. 
assumptions of England were turning against her the 
sympathies of the civilized world. 

The genius of the nation was a guarantee against 
discomfiture on the ocean ; the feebleness of the admin- 
istration appeared conspicuously in America. April 
was almost gone before Abercrombie, who was to be 
next in command to the Earl of Loudoun, with 
Webb and two battalions, sailed from Plymouth for 
New York. Loudoun waited for his transports, that 
were to carry tents, ammunition, artillery, and in- 
trenching tools, and at last, near the end of May, 
sailed without them. The man-of-war which bore 
one hundred thousand pounds to reimburse the colo- 
nies for the expenses of 1755, and stimulate their 
activity for IT 5 6, did not sail till the middle of June. 
The cannon for ships on Lake Ontario did not reach 
America till August. " We shall have good reason 
to sing Te Deum, at the conclusion of this campaign," 
wrote the Lieutenant-governor of Maryland, " if mat- 
ters are not then in a worse situation than they are at 

On the fifteenth of June, arrived the forty Ger- 
man officers who were to raise recruits for Loudoun's 
royal American regiment of four thousand. At the 
same time came Abercrombie. Letters awaited him 
in praise of Washington. " He is a very deserving 
gentleman," wrote Dinwiddie, " and has from the 
beginning commanded the forces of this Dominion. 
He is much beloved, has gone through many hard- 
ships in the service, has great merit, and can raise 


chap, more men here than any one." He therefore urged 
^_ his promotion in the British establishment. But 
1756. England trusted foreigners rather than Americans. 
" 1 find," said Abercrombie, " you will never be able 
to carry on any thing to any purpose in America, till 
you have a viceroy or superintendent over all the 
provinces." 1 And Loudoun's arrival was to produce 
" a great change of affairs." 

On the twenty-fifth of June, Abercrombie arrived 
at Albany, firmly resolved that the regular officers 
should command the provincials, and that the troops 
should be quartered on private houses. On the next 
day, Shirley acquainted him with the state of Os- 
wego, advising that two battalions should be sent for- 
ward for its protection. The boats were ready ; 
every magazine along the passage plentifully sup- 
plied. But the general could not think of the wants 
of the garrison, and was meditating triumphs of 
authority. " The great, the important day for Al- 
bany dawned." On the twenty-seventh, " in spite of 
every subterfuge, the soldiers were at last billeted 
upon the town." 2 The mayor wished them all to go 
back again ; " for," said he, " we can defend our fron- 
tiers ourselves." Thus Abercrombie dilatorily whiled 
away the summer, ordering a survey of Albany, that 
it might be ditched and stockaded round ; and men 
talked " of certain victory and conquest." 

On the twelfth of July, the brave Bradstreet re- 
turned from Oswego, having thrown into the fort six 
months' provision for five thousand men, and a great 
quantity of stores. He brought intelligence that a 

1 Letter of Alexander Colden. 2 Journal of A. Oolden. Albany, 
New York, 19 June, 1756. 27 June. 



French army was in motion to attack the place ; and chap. 
Webb, with the forty-fourth regiment, was ordered ^^^ 
to hold himself in readiness to march to its defence. 1756. 
But nothing was done. The regiments of New Eng- 
land, with the provincials from New York and New 
Jersey, amounted to more than seven thousand men ; 
with the British regular regiments, to more than ten 
thousand men, besides the garrison at Oswego. In 
the previous year the road had been opened, the forts 
erected. Why delay ? But Abercrombie was still 
lingering at Albany, when, on the twenty-ninth of 
July, the Earl of Loudoun arrived. There too " the 
viceroy" loitered with the rest, doing nothing, having 
ten or twelve thousand men at his disposition, keep- 
ing the provincials idle in their camps, without the 
skill and experience necessary to take care of them- 
selves, and victims to disease, which want of employ- 
ment and close quarters generated. 

The French were more active ; and, while the 
savages made inroads to the borders of Ulster and 
Orange counties, they turned all their thoughts to 
the capture of Oswego. De Lery, leaving Montreal 
in March with a party of more than three hundred 
men, hastened over ice and snow along the foot of 
mountains ; by roads known to savages alone, they 
penetrated to Fort Bull, at the Oneida portage, 
gained it after a short struggle and a loss of three 
men, destroyed its stores, and returned with thirty 
prisoners to Montreal. 1 Near the end of May, eight 
hundred men, led by the intrepid and prudent De 
Villiers, made their palisaded camp under the shelter 
of a thicket near the mouth of Sandy Creek. From 

1 Journal, <fcc, from October, 1755, to June, 1756. Paris Doc, 
xii., 13. 


chap, this place he could send little parties to hover round 
^^, the passes of Onondaga River, and intercept supplies 
175 6 for Oswego. 

Of the Six Nations, the four lower ones, the 
Onondagas, Oneidas, Cayugas, and Mohawks, assem- 
bled in council, and sent thirty of their chiefs to 
Montreal to solicit neutrality. " Our young braves," 
they were answered, " seek their foes wherever they 
are to be found ; but if you do not join the English, 
they shall do you no harm ;" and the envoys of the 
neutral tribes returned laden with presents. 

Just then, the Field-Marshal Marquis de Montcalm 
arrived at Quebec ; a man of a strong and well-stored 
memory ; of a quick and highly cultivated mind ; of 
small stature ; rapid in conversation ; and of restless 
mobility. He was accompanied by the Chevalier de 
Levis Leran, and by Bourlamarque, colonel of in- 
fantry. Travelling day and night, he hurried to Fort 
Carillon, at Ticonderoga; by two long marches on 
foot, he made himself familiar with the ground, and 
took measures for improving its defences. 1 He next 
resolved by secrecy and celerity to take Oswego. 
Collecting at Montreal three regiments from Quebec, 
and a large body of Canadians and Indians, on the 
fifth of August he was able to review his troops at 
Frontenac, and on the evening of the same day an- 
chored in Sackett's Harbor. 

Fort Oswego, on the right of the river, was a 
large stone building surrounded by a wall flanked 
with four small bastions, and was commanded from 
adjacent heights. For its defence, Shirley had crowned 
a summit on the opposite bank with Fort Ontario. 

1 Montcalm to the minister, 20 July, 1756. 


Against this outpost, Montcalm, on the twelfth of chap. 
August, at midnight, opened his trenches. From the v^^ 
following daybreak till evening, the fire of the gam- 175 6. 
son was well kept up ; when, having expended their 
ammunition, they spiked their cannon, and retreated 
to Fort Oswego. Immediately Montcalm occupied 
the height, and turned such of the guns as were ser- 
viceable against the remaining fortress. His fire 
killed Mercer, the commander, and soon made a breach 
in the wall. On the fourteenth, just as Montcalm was 
preparing to storm the 'intrenchments, the garrison, 
composed of the regiments of Shirley and Pepperell, 
and about sixteen hundred in number, capitulated. 
Forty-five perished ; twelve of them in action, the 
rest by the Indians in attempting to escape through 
the woods. 1 The prisoners of war descended the St. 
Lawrence ; their colors were sent as trophies to deco- 
rate the churches of Montreal, Three Rivers, and 
Quebec ; one hundred and twenty cannon, six vessels 
of war, three hundred boats, stores of ammunition and 
provisions, and three chests of money fell to the con- 

Amidst the delight of the Canadians and the 
savages, the missionaries planted a cross bearing the 
words, " This is the banner of victory ;" by its side 
rose a pillar with the arms of France, and the inscrip- 
tion, "Bring lilies with full hands." Expressions of 
triumphant ecstasy broke from Montcalm; but, to 
allay all jealousy of the red men, he razed the forts 
and left Oswego a solitude. 

1 Loudoun to J. Osborne, 13 Vaudreuil to the minister, 30 Au- 

Sept., 1756, finds no evidence of a gust, 1756. N. Y. Paris Doc.., 

massacre at Oswego ; considers the xii. 39. 
rumor without foundation. De 


chap. "Webb, wlio should have relieved the place, went 
^^ tardily to the Oneida portage, and, after felling tress 
1756. to obstruct the passage to the Onondaga, fled in terror 
to Albany. 

Loudoun approved placing obstacles between his 
army and the enemy ; for he also " was extremely 
anxious about an attack" from the French, while 
" flushed with success." " If it had been ' made on 
the provincials alone, it would," he complacently as- 
serted, " have been followed with very fatal conse- 
quences." Provincials had, it was true, saved the 
remnant of Braddock's army ; provincials had con- 
quered Acadia; provincials had defeated Dieskau; 
but Abercrombie and his chief sheltered their own 
imbecility under complaints of America. After wast- 
ing a few more weeks in busy inactivity, Loudoun, 
whose forces could have penetrated to the heart of 
Canada, left the French to construct a fort at Ticonde- 
roga, and dismissed the provincials to their homes, the 
regulars to winter quarters. Of the latter, a thousand 
were sent to New York, where free quarters for the 
officers were demanded of the city. The demand was 
resisted by the mayor, as contrary to the laws of Eng- 
land and the liberties of America. " Free quarters 
are everywhere usual," answered the commander-in- 
chief ; "I assert it on my honor, which is the highest 
evidence you can require ;" and he resolved to make 
New York an example for the other colonies and 
towns. The citizens pleaded in reply their privileges 
■ as Englishmen, by the common law, by the petition of 
right, and by acts of parliament. "God damn my 
blood," was the official answer of the " viceroy " to 
the mayor ; " if you do not billet my officers upon 


free quarters this day, I'll order here all the troops CI ^ p - 
in North America under my command, and billet ^ — ' 
them myself upon the city." So the magistrates got 
up a subscription for the winter support of officers, 
who had done nothing for the country but burden 
its resources. In Philadelphia Loudoun uttered the 
same menace, and the storm was averted only 'by an 
adjustment. The frontier had been left open to the 
French ; this quartering troops in the principal towns 
at the expense of the inhabitants by the illegal 
authority of a military chief, was the great result of 
the campaign. 

Yet native courage flashed up in every part of the 
colonies. The false Delawares, thirsting for victims 
and secret as the .night, from their village at Kittan- 
ning, within forty-five miles of Fort Duquesne, stained 
all the border of Pennsylvania with murder and scalp- 
ing. To destroy them, three hundred Pennsylvanians 
crossed the Alleghanies, conducted by John Armstrong, 
of Cumberland County, famed as inheriting the courage 
of the Scottish covenanters. 

In the night following the seventh of September, the 
avenging party, having marched on that day thirty 
miles through the unbroken forests, were guided to 
the Indian village of Kittanning, by the beating of a 
drum and the whooping of warriors at their festival ; 
and they lay quiet and hush till the moon was fairly 
set. They heard a young fellow whistling near them, 
as a signal to a squaw after his dance was over ; and 
in a field of maize, on the margin of the river, they 
saw the fires near which the Indians took their rest 
with no dreams of danger. At daybreak three com- 
panies which lagged in the rear were brought over the 

VOL IV. 21 


chap. l m precipice ; and at the same moment the attack be- 
>— , — ' gan on the Delawares who had slept abroad, and on 
l7o6> the houses which lay discovered under /the light of 
morning. Jacobs raised the war-whoop, crying, " The 
white men are come ; we shall have scalps enough." 
The squaws and children fled to the woods ; the war- 
riors fought with desperate bravery and skill as 
marksmen. " We are men," they shouted ; " we will 
not be made prisoners." The town being set on fire, 
some of them sang their death-song in the flames. 
Their store of powder, which was enough for a long 
war, scattered destruction as it exploded. Jacobs and 
others attempting flight, were shot and scalped ; the 
town was burned to ashes, never to be rebuilt by 
savages. But the Americans lost sixteen men ; and 
Armstrong himself was among the wounded. Hugh 
Mercer, captain of the company which suffered most, 
was hit by a musket-ball in the arm, and with five 
others separated from the main body ; but, guided 
by the stars and rivulets, they soon found their way 
back. The conduct of Armstrong in leading his party, 
through the mountainous wilderness, and reaching 
the town without being discovered, was universally 
applauded. Philadelphia voted honors to him and 
his gallant band ; Pennsylvania has given his name 
to the county that includes the battle-field. 

At the remotest south, adventurers formed a set- 
tlement beyond the Alatamaha, on the banks of the 
Santilla and the island of Cumberland ; established 
their own rules of government ; preserved good order 
amongst themselves ; and held the country as far as 
the St. Mary's, in defiance of South Carolina and of 
the Spaniards at St. Augustine. 


"At the same time men of European origin were chap. 
penetrating the interior of Tennessee from Carolina ; w^_ 
and near the junction of the Telliquo and the Ten- 1756, 
nessee, a little band of two hundred men, three-fifths 
of whom were provincials, under the command of 
Captain Demere, were engaged in completing the 
New Fort Loudoun, which was to insure the com- 
mand of the country. They exulted in possessing a 
train of artillery, consisting of twelve great guns 
which had been brought to the English camp, 1 " from 
such a distance as the seaport, and over such prodi- 
gious mountains." 2 The Cherokees were much di- 
vided in sentiment. " Use all means you think pro- 
per," wrote Lyttleton, a to induce our Indians to take 
up the hatchet. Promise a reward to every man who 
shall bring in the scalp of a Frenchman or of one of 
the French Indians." 3 

In December, the Six Nations sent a hundred and 
eighty delegates to meet the Nepissings, the Algon- 
quins, the Potawatamies, and the Ottawas, at a con- 
gress at Montreal. All promised at least neutrality ; 
the young braves wished even to join the French ; 
and they trod the English medals under foot. 

The imbecility which marked the conduct of Bri- 
tish affairs in America, showed itself still more deci- 
dedly in the cabinet, which, though united and com- 
manding a subservient majority, was crumbling in 

1 Gov. Lyttleton of South Caro- 2 Demere to Gov. Lyttleton, Dec. 
lina to the Lords of Trade. 31 Dec. 1756. Lyttleton to Lords of Trade, 
1756. 25 December, 1756. 

3 Gov. Lyttleton to Lords of 
Trade, 31 Dec. 1756. 


chap, pieces from the sense of its real weakness, and 'the 
—^ weariness of the people of England at the un- 
.175 6. mixed government of the aristocracy. "If," said 
William Pitt, the Great Commoner, a poor and now a 
private man, " if I see a child driving a go-cart on a 
precipice, with that precious freight of the king and 
his family, I am bound to take the reins out of such 
hands ;" and the influence of popular opinion came in 
aid of his just ambition. A new authority was also 
growing up ; and to win the direction of the cabinet, 
he connected himself with the family of the successor. 
In June, 1756, Prince George, being eighteen, became 
of age, and Newcastle, with the concurrence of the 
king, would have separated his establishment from 
that of his mother. They both were opposed to the 
separation. Pitt exerted his influence against it, with 
a zeal and activity to which they were most sensible. 2 
The Earl of Bute had been one of the lords of the 
bed-chamber to Frederic, the late Prince of Wales, 
who used to call him u a fine, showy man, such as 
would make an excellent ambassador in a court where 
there was no business." He was ambitious, yet his 
personal timidity loved to lean on a nature firmer 
than his own. Though his learning was small, 
he was willing to be thought a man of erudition, who 
could quote Horace, and find pleasure in Virgil and 
Columella. He had an air of the greatest importance, 
and in look and manner assumed an extraordinary 
appearance of wisdom. 3 Unacquainted with business 
and unemployed in public office, yet as a consistent 
and most obsequious royalist, he retained the confi- 

1 Walpole's Memoires of George 3 Chatham Correspond., i. 157. 
II., ii. 39. Waldegrave's Memoirs, 38. 


dence t>f the princess dowager, and was the instructor chap. 
of the future sovereign of England in the theory of v^^L, 
the British constitution. 1 On the organization of his 1756. 
household, Prince George desired to have hirn about 
his person. 

The request of the prince, which Pitt advocated, 
was resisted by Newcastle and by Hardwicke. To 
embroil the royal family, the latter did not hesitate 
to blast the reputation of the mother of the heir ap- 
parent by tales of scandal, 2 which party spirit delight- 
ed to perpetuate. But in the first public act of 
Prince George, he displayed the firmness of his cha- 
racter. Heedless of the prime minister and the chan- 
cellor, the young man of eighteen, with many profes- 
sions of duty to the king, expressed " his desires, nay, 
his fixed resolutions," to have " the free choice of his 
servants." 8 " This family," said Granville of the Han- 
overian dynasty, " always has quarrelled, and will 
quarrel from generation to generation." 4 Having 
wantoned with the resentment of the successor 
and his mother, Newcastle became terrified and 
yielded. The king gave his consent reluctantly. 
M You," said he angrily to Fox, " you have made me 
make that puppy Bute, groom of the stole." While 
Pitt formed intimate relations with the favorite of 
Leicester house, Charles Townshend, who had recent- 

1 Adolphus: Hist, of England, with the insinuation. But the 
i. 12. princess seems to have been re- 

2 The scandal against the Prin- served and decorous, as became the 
cess Dowager, the mother of Geo. aged mother of a large family; and 
III., has been often repeated ; yet to have had no friendships but with 
it seems to have sprung from the those friends of her husband who 
malicious gossip of a profligate were most naturally her counsel- 
court. Waldegrave, a licentious lors. 

man, is the chief accuser ; Hard- 3 ChathamOorr. i. 171. 

wicke, a disappointed politician, in 4 Walpole's Memoires, ii. 68, 

a private letter, points a period 85, 86. 



chap, ly married the Countess Dowager of Dalkeifti, first 

_^w cousin to the Earl of Bute, thought even more meanly 

1756. of Bute than of Newcastle. "Silly fellow for silly 

fellow," said he, " it is as well to be governed by my 

uncle with a blue riband, as by my cousin with a 

green one." 

Restless at sharing the disgrace of an imbecile 
administration, which met every where with defeat 
except in the House of Commons, where corruption 
could do its w^ork, and ashamed of the small degree 
of real power conceded to him, Fox was unwilling to 
encounter a stormy opposition which would have had 
the country on its side. " My situation," said he to 
Newcastle in October, " is impracticable ;" * and he left 
the cabinet. At the same time Murray declared that 
he, too, would serve as Attorney-General no longer ; 
he would be Lord Chief Justice, with a peerage, or 
retire to private life. Newcastle dared not refuse or 
make more delay. The place had been vacant a term 
and a circuit ; 2 the influence of Bute and Leicester House 
prevailed to bring Murray as Lord Mansfield upon 
the Bench, and into the House of Peers. 3 There was 
no one in the House, who, even with a sure majority, 
dared attempt to cope with Pitt. Newcastle sought 
to negotiate with him. " A plain man," he answered, 
" unpractised in the policy of a court, must never pre- 
sume to be the associate of so experienced a minister." 
" Write to him yourself," said Newcastle to Hard- 
wicke. " Don't boggle at it ; you see the king wishes 
it ; Lady Yarmouth advises it ;" 4 and Hardwicke saw 

1 Fox to the Duke of Newcastle, 3 Bute in Adolphus's History of 

13 Oct. 1756. George III., i. 117. 

8 Henley's Life of Lord North- 4 Newcastle to Hardwicke, 15 

ington, 22-24. Oct. 1756. 


him. But Pitt, after a three hours' interview, gave chap, 
him a totally negative answer. " The great obstacles," ^^L, 
says Hardwicke, "were the Duke of Newcastle and 1756. 
his measures ; and without a change of both, 'tis im- 
possible for him to come." * Newcastle next sought 
comfort from the king ; insisting that there was no- 
thing alleged against him but conducting the war 
according to the king's own desire ; so that he himself 
was about to become a victim to his loyalty. 2 But 
Pitt, who had never before waited upon Lady Yar- 
mouth, now counterworked the duke by making a 
long visit to the king's *mistress. The duke attempted 
to enlist Egremont, offered power to Granville, and at 
last, having still an undoubted majority in the House 
of Commons, the great leader of the "Whig aristocracy 
was compelled to recognise the power of opinion in 
England as greater than his own, and most reluctantly 
resigned. The Whig party, which had ruled since the 
accession of the House of Hanover, had yet never 
possessed the affections of the people of England and 
no longer enjoyed its confidence ; and at the very height 
of its power, sunk down in the midst of its worship- 
pers. 3 

In December "William Pitt, the man of the people, 
the sincere lover of liberty, having on his side the 
English nation, of which he was the noblest represen- 
tative and type, was commissioned to form a ministry. 
In this he was aided by the whole influence of Leices- 
ter House ; he found the Earl of Bute " transcend- 
ingly obliging;" and from the young heir to the 
throne, " expressions " were repeated, " so decisive of 

1 Hardwicke to his Eldest Son, 2 Newcastle to Hardwicke, 20 
21 Oct. 1756. The interview with Oct. 1756. 
Pitt was on the 19th. 8 W. 0. Bryant's Poems. 


chap, determined purposes " of favor, " in the present or 
^^L, any future day," that " his own lively imagination 
1756. could not have suggested a wish beyond them." * For 
the chief of the Treasury Board, he selected the Duke 
of Devonshire, with Legge as chancellor. Temple 
presided over the Admiralty. George Grenville was 
made treasurer of the navy. To Charles Townshend, 
who could ill brook a superior, and who hated Pitt, 
was offered a useless place, neither ministerial nor 
active ; and his resentment at the disdainful slight was 
not suppressed, till his elder brother and Bute inter- 
ceded, and " at last the name of the Prince of Wales 
was used." Thus began the political connections of 
Charles Townshend with George the Third, and they 
were never broken. Bestless in his pursuit of early 
advancement, he relied on the favor of that prince, 
and on his own eloquence, for the attainment of power. 
While he identified himself with none of the aristo- 
cratic factions, he never hesitated, for his own ends, to 
act under any of them. Pitt, applauding his genius for 
debate, despised his versatility. 

But the transition in England from the rule of the 
aristocracy to a greater degree of popular power, was 
not as yet destined to take place. There was an 
end of the old aristocratic rule ; but it was not clear 
what should come in its stead. The condition of the 
new minister was seen to be precarious. On entering 
office Pitt's health was so infirm, that he took the oath 
at his own house, though the record bears date at St. 
James's. The House of Commons, which he was to 
lead, had been chosen under the direction of Newcas- 
tle, whom he superseded. His subordinates even ven- 

1 Chatham Corr. i. 191, 192. 


tured to "be refractory ; so that when Charles Towns- chap. 
hend, on one occasion, showed himself ready to second ^^ 
Fox in opposition, Pitt was obliged to chide hirn, 1756. 
before the whole House, as deficient in common sense 
or common integrity ; and, as Fox exulted in his ally, 
exclaimed, loud enough to be heard by half the as- 
sembly, " I wish you joy of him." The court, too, 
was his enemy. George the Second, spiritless and 
undiscerning, and without affection for Leicester House, 
liked subjection to genius still less than to aristocracy. 
" I do not look upon myself as king," said he, " while 
I am in the hands of these scoundrels," meaning Pitt 
as well as Temple. 1 On the other hand, Prince 
George, in March, sent assurances to Pitt of " the 
firm support and countenance" of the heir to the 
throne. " Go on, my dear Pitt," said Bute ; " make 
every bad subject your declared enemy, every honest 
man your real friend. How much we think alike. I, 
for my part, am unalterably your most affectionate 
friend." 2 But even that influence was unavailing. In 
the conduct of the war the Duke of Cumberland 
exercised the chief control ; in the House of Commons 
the friends of Newcastle were powerful ; in the coun- 
cil the favor of the king encouraged opposition. 

America was become the great object of Euro- 
pean attention ; Pitt, disregarding the churlish cavils 
of the Lords of Trade, 3 at once pursued towards the 
colonies the generous policy, which afterwards called 
forth all their strength, and ensured their affections. 
He respected their liberties, and relied on their wil- 
ling co-operation. Halifax was planning taxation by 

1 Glover's Memoirs, 55. Walde- 3 Lords of Trade to Sec. W. Pitt, 
grave's Memoirs, 95, 96. 21 January, 1757. 

2 Chatham Correspondence, i. 224. 


chap, parliament, in which he was aided, among others, by 
^^_ Calvert, the Secretary of Maryland, residing in Eng- 
175 7. land. In January, 1757, the British press defended 
the scheme, which had been "often mentioned in 
private, to introduce a stamp-duty on vellum and 
paper, and to lower the duty upon foreign rum, 
sugar, and molasses, imported into the colonies." * A 
revenue of more than sixty thousand pounds' sterling 
annually was confidently promised from this source. 
The project of an American stamp-act was pressed 
upon Pitt himself. " With the enemy at their backs, 
with English bayonets at their breast, in the day 
of their distress, perhaps the Americans," thought 
he, "would submit to the imposition." 2 But the 
heroic statesman scorned " to take an unjust and un- 
generous advantage" of them. He turned his eye to 
the mountains of Scotland for defenders of America, 
and two battalions, each of a thousand Highlanders, 8 
were raised for the service, under the command of 
Lord Eglinton and the Master of Lovat.' 

Still he possessed no real power, and was thwarted 
in his policy at every step during the short period of 
his stay in office. Soon the Duke of Cumberland was 
appointed to conduct the campaign in Germany, and 
was unwilling to leave England without a change in 
the cabinet. Temple was, therefore, dismissed ; and 
as Pitt did not resign, the king, in the first week in 
April, discarded him, and his chancellor also. Eng- 
land was in a state of anarchy, to which the conduct 
of affairs in America aptly corresponded. 

1 Proposals for uniting the Colo- 3 Anecdotes of Lord Chatham, 
nies, January, 1757. i. 298. 

* Pitt in the House of Commons, 
14 January, 1766. 




The rangers at Fort William Henry defy the chap 
winter. The forests, pathless with snows, the frozen ^\ 
lake, the wilderness, which has no shelter against 1757 
cold and storms, the perilous ambush, where defeat 
may be followed by the scalping-knife, or tortures, 
or captivity among the farthest tribes, — all cannot 
chill their daring. On skates they glide over the 
lakes ; on snow-shoes they penetrate the woods. In 
January, 1757, the gallant Stark, 1 with seventy-four 
rangers, goes down Lake George, and turns the strong 
post of Carillon. A French party of ten or eleven 
sledges is driving merrily from Ticonderoga to 
Crown Point. 2 Stark sallies forth to attack them ; 
three are taken, with twice as many horses, and seven 
prisoners. But before he can reach the water's 
edge, he is intercepted by a party of two hundred 
and fifty French and Indians. Sheltered by trees 
and a rising ground, he renews and sustains the 
unequal fight till evening. In the night, the survi- 
vors retreat; a sleigh, sent over the lake, brings 

1 Life of John Stark. 2 Montcalm's Account. 


chap, home the wounded. Fourteen rangers had fallen, six 

, ^, were missing. Those who remained ahve were ap- 

1757, plauded, and Stark received promotion. 

The French are still more adventurous. A de- 
tachment of fifteen hundred men, part regulars, 
and part Canadians, are to follow the younger Vau- 
dreuil in a winter's expedition * against Fort William 
Henry. They must travel sixty leagues ; the snow- 
shoes on their feet, their provisions on sledges, drawn, 
where the path is smooth, by dogs ; for their couch 
at night, they spread on the snow-bank a bearskin, 
and break the evening breeze with a simple veil ; 
thus they go over Champlain, over Lake George. 2 
On St. Patrick's night, a man in front tries the 
strength of the ice with an axe ; the ice-spurs ring, 
as the party advances over the crystal highway, 
with scaling ladders, to surprise the English fort. 8 
But the garrison was on the watch, and the enemy 
could only burn the English batteaux and sloops, 
the storehouses, and the huts of the rangers within 
their pickets. 

For the campaign of 1757, the northern colonies, 
still eager to extend the English limits, at a congress of 
governors in Boston, in January, agreed to raise four 
thousand men. 4 The Southern governors of North 
Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, 
meeting at Philadelphia, settled the quotas for their 
governments, 5 but only as the groundwork for com- 
plaints to the Board of Trade ; they said plainly, 

1 Vaudreuil's Account, 22 April, 4 Loudoun to the Congress of 

1757. Governors, at Boston, 29 January, 

3 Montcalm to the Minister, 24 1757. Hutchinson iii. 50, 51. 

April, 1757. 5 Minutes of a meeting of the 

3 Letter of Eyre, dated Fort Southern Governors with the Earl 

William Henry, 22 March, 1757. of Loudoun, March, 1759. 


that nothing effectual would be done by the colo- chap. 

• i XI. 

nies. 1 — y~> 

Of the central provinces, Pennsylvania approached 1757. 
most nearly towards establishing independent power. 
Its people had never been numbered, yet, with the 
counties on Delaware, were believed to be not less 
than two hundred thousand, of whom thirty thou- 
sand were able to bear arms. 2 It had no militia 
established by law ; but forts and garrisons protected 
the frontier, at the annual cost to the province of 
seventy thousand pounds currency. To the act of the 
former year, granting sixty thousand pounds, the As- 
sembly had added a supplement, appropriating one 
hundred thousand more, and taxing the property of 
the proprietaries. But they would contribute nothing 
to a general fund, and disposed of all money them- 
selves. The support of the governor was either not 
paid at all, or not till the close of the year. When 
any office was created, the names of those who were 
to execute it were inserted in the bill, with a clause 
reserving to the Assembly the right of nomination in 
case of death. The sheriffs and coroners, and all per- 
sons connected with the treasury, were thus nomi- 
nated or were chosen by the people, annually, and 
were responsible only to their constituents. The As- 
sembly could not be prorogued or dissolved, and 
adjourned itself at its own pleasure. It assumed al- 
most all executive power, and scarce a bill came up 
without an attempt to encroach on the little residue. 
In the Jerseys and in Pennsylvania," wrote Loudoun, 
thinking to influence the mind of Pitt, " the majority 

1 H. Sharpe to his brother, the 2 Peters on the Constitution of 

Secretary to the Privy Council, Pennsylvania, drawn up for Lord 

24 March, 1757. Loudoun. Hazard, v. 339. 
vol. iv. 22 


chap, of the Assembly is composed of Quakers; whilst 
^^^ that is the case, they will always oppose every mea- 
3 75 7. sure of government, and support that independence 
which is deep-rooted every where in this country. 
The taxes which the people pay are really so trifling, 
that they do not deserve the name ; so that if some 
method is not found out of laying on a tax for the 
support of a war in America by a British Act of Par- 
liament, it appears to me, that you will continue to 
have no assistance from them in money, and will 
have very little in men, if they are wanted." 1 While 
the royal officers, with Loudoun at their head, were 
soliciting the arbitrary interposition of parliament, it 
is most worthy of remark, that the deep-seated, reluc- 
tantly abandoned confidence in the justice and love of 
liberty of the parliament of England, still led the 
people of Pennsylvania to look to that body for pro- 
tection ; and in February, 1757, Benjamin Franklin 
was chosen agent " to represent in England the un- 
happy situation of the province, that all occasion of 
dispute hereafter might be removed by an act of the 
British legislature." 

Massachusetts had already given the example of 
an appeal to the House of Commons in favor of 
popular power against prerogative ; and its complaint 
had, in 1733, been rebuked "as a high insult, tend- 
ing to shake off the dependency of the colony upon 
the kingdom." Jamaica had just been renewing the 
attempt ; and, while Franklin was at New York to 
take passage, and there was no ministry in England 
to restrain the tendencies of the Lords of Trade, the 

1 Earl of Loudoun to Secretary W. Pitt, 25 April, 1757. 


House of Commons adopted the memorable resolve, chap 
that " the claim of right in a colonial assembly to ^^ 
raise and apply public money, by its own act alone, is *W. 
derogatory to the crown and to the rights of the 
people of Great Britain;" and this resolve, so preg- 
nant with consequences, asserting for " the people of 
Great Britain" a control over American legislation, 
was authoritatively communicated to every Ameri- 
can assembly. "The people of Pennsylvania," said 
Thomas Penn, " will soon be convinced by the House 
of Commons, as well as by the ministers, that they 
have not a right to the powers of government they 
claim." 1 The debates between the proprietaries of 
Pennsylvania and its people involved every question 
in dispute between the crown and the provinces, 
making Pennsylvania the central figure in the strug- 
gle ; and Benjamin Franklin, whom Kant, in 1755, 
had heralded to the world of science as the Prome- 
theus of modern times, 2 stood forth the foremost 
champion of the rights and the legislative free will 
of America. Every day brightened his fame and 
increased his influence. 

" The House of Commons," said Penn, " will end 
the business entirely to our satisfaction " Still the 
exertion of the extreme authority of parliament was 
postponed. The Privy Council was as yet persuaded, 
that they, with the king, had of themselves plenary 
power to govern America. " Your American Assem- 
blies," said Granville, its President, to Franklin, 
u slight the king's instructions. They are drawn up 
by grave men, learned in the laws and constitution of 
the realm ; they are brought into Council, thor- 

1 T Penn to Hamilton. 7 July, 2 Kant's Werke, vi. 280. 


chap, oughly weighed, well considered, and amended, if 
^^L necessary, by the wisdom of that body ; and when 
1757. received by the Governors, they are the laws of the 
land ; for the king is the legislator of the colonies." 
This doctrine which Franklin received soon after his 
arrival in London, fell on him as new ; 1 and was 
never effaced from his memory. In its preceding 
session parliament had done little, except in the hope 
of distressing Canada and the French islands by 
famine,, to lay grievous restrictions on the export of 
provisions from the British colonies. 2 The act pro- 
duced a remonstrance. "America," said Granville, 
the Lord President, to the complaint of its agents, 
" America must not do any thing to interfere with 
Great Britain in the European markets." "If we 
plant and reap, and must not ship," retorted Franklin, 
" your Lordship should apply to parliament for trans- 
ports to bring us all back again." 

But in America the summer passed as might have 
been expected from " detachments under commanders 
whom a child might outwit or terrify with a pop- 
gun." » 

To Bouquet was assigned the watch on the fron- 
tiers of Carolina. Stanwix, with about two thousand 
men, had charge of the West, while Webb was left 
highest in command, with nearly six thousand men, 
to defend the avenue of Lake George ; and on the 
twentieth day of June, the Earl of Loudoun, having 
first incensed all America by a useless embargo, and 
having, at New York, at one sweep, impressed four 
hundred men, weighed anchor for Halifax. Four 

1 Franklin to Bowdoin, 13 Jan., 2 30 Geo. II., c. ix. 

1772. Writings, vii. 549. 


British regiments, two "battalions of royal Ameri- chap. 
cans, and five companies of rangers, accompanied w^-L 
him." "His sailing," said the Canadians, " is a hint 1757. 
for us to project something on this frontier." * Lou- 
doun reached Halifax on the last day of June, and 
found detachments from England already there ; and 
on the ninth of July the entire armament was as- 

At that time, Newcastle was " reading Loudoun's 
letters with great attention and satisfaction," and 
praising his "great diligence and ability." "My 
Lord," said he, " mentions an act of parliament to 
be passed here; I don't well understand what he 
means Toy it." Prince George, not surmising defeat, 
was thoughtful for the orthodoxy of America. A 
class of bold inquirers, Shaftesbury, Collins, Toland, 
Bolingbroke, Hume, had attacked the scholastic phi- 
losophy and the dogmas of the Middle Ages, had 
insinuated a denial of the plenary inspiration of the 
Bible and of the credibility of miracles, and had 
applied the principle of skeptical analysis to super- 
natural religion, and the institutions and interests 
connected with the Established Church. They were 
freethinkers, daring to question any thing ; they were 
deists, accepting only the religion of nature and rea- 
son. In Europe, where radical abuses in canon law 
introduced anarchy and skepticism into the heart of 
faith, these writers assisted to hasten a revolution 
in the public mind; they pointed the epigrams of 
Voltaire, and founded a school of theology in Ger- 
many, while in England one half the cultivated class 
received their opinions. Fearing their influence in 

1 Malartie to the Minister, 16 June, 1757. N. Y. Paris Doc, 
xiii. 21. , 



chap, the New World, the amiable young heir to the 
l_\, throne sent over a hundred pounds' worth of answers 
1757. to deistical writers. But in America, free inquiry, 
which dwelt with the people, far from being of a de- 
structive tendency, was conducting them towards firm 
institutions, and religious faith was not a historical 
tradition, encumbered with the abuses of centuries, 
but a living principle. 

Loudoun found himself in Halifax at the head of 
an admirable army of ten thousand men, with a fleet 
of sixteen ships of the line, besides frigates. There 
he landed, levelled the uneven ground for a parade, 
planted a vegetable garden as a precaution against 
the scurvy, exercised the men in mock battles, and 
sieges, and storm i Tigs of fortresses, and, when August 
came, and the spirit of the army was broken, and 
Hay, a major-general, expressed contempt so loudly 
as to be arrested, the troops were embarked, as if for 
Louisburg. But ere the ships sailed, the reconnoitring 
vessels came with news that the French at Cape 
Breton had one ship more than the English, and the 
plan of the campaign was changed. Part of the sol- 
diers landed again at Halifax, and the Earl of Lou- 
doun, leaving his garden to weeds, and his place of 
arms to briers, sailed for New York. He had been 
but two days out, when he was met by an express, 
with such tidings as were to have been expected. 

How peacefully rest the waters of Lake George 
between their ramparts of highlands ! In their pel- 
lucid depths, the cliffe, and the hills, and the trees 
trace their image, and the beautiful region speaks to 


tlie heart, teaching affection for nature. As yet, not chap. 
a hamlet rose on its margin ; not a straggler had v^^L 
thatched a log-hut in its neighborhood; only at its 1757 
head, near the centre of a wider opening between its 
mountains, Fort William Henry stood on its bank, 
almost on a level with the lake. Lofty hills over- 
hung and commanded the wild scene, but heavy artil- 
lery had not as yet accompanied war-parties into the 

Some of the Six Nations preserved their neutrality, 
but the Oneidas danced the war-dance with Vau- 
dreuil. " We will try the hatchet of our father on 
the English, to see if it cuts well," said the Senecas 
of Niagara; and when Johnson complained of de- 
predations on his cattle, "You begin crying quite 
early," they answered ; " you will soon see other 
things." * 

" The English have built a fort on the lands of 
Onontio," spoke Vaudreuil, governor of New France, 
to a congress at Montreal of the warriors of three- 
and-thirty nations, who had come together, some from 
the rivers of Maine and Acadia, some from the wil- 
derness of Lake Huron and Lake Superior. "I am 
ordered," he continued, " to destroy it. Go, witness 
what I shall do, that, when you return to your mats, 
you may recount what you have seen." They took 
his belt of wampum, and answered, — " Father, we are 
come to do your will." Day after day, at Montreal, 
Montcalm nursed their enthusiasm by singing the 
war-song with the several tribes. They clung to 
him with affection, and would march to battle only 
with him. They rallied at Fort St. John, on the 

1 Yaudreuil to the Minister, 13 July, 1757. 


chap. SoreL/ their missionaries with them, and hymns were 
^^. sung in almost as many dialects as there were nations. 
1757 On the sixth day, as they discerned the battlements 
of Ticonderoga, the fleet arranged itself in order, and 
two hundred canoes, filled with braves, each nation 
with its own pennons, in imposing regularity, swept 
over the smooth waters of Champlain, to the landing- 
place of the fortress. Ticonderoga rung with the 
voices of thousands ; and the martial airs of France, 
and shouts in the many tongues of the red men, re- 
sounded among the rocks and forests and mountains. 
The Christian mass, too, was chanted solemnly ; and 
to the Abenaki converts, seated reverently, in decor- 
ous silence, on the ground, the priest urged the duty 
of honoring Christianity by their example, in the pre- 
sence of so many infidel braves. 

It was a season of scarcity in Canada. None had 
been left unmolested to plough and plant ; the miser- 
able inhabitants had no bread. But small stores were 
collected for the army. They must conquer speedily 
or disband. " On such an expedition," said Montcalm 
to his officers, " a blanket and a bearskin are the 
warrior's couch. Do like me, with cheerful good- 
will. The soldier's allowance is enough for us." 1 

During the short period of preparation, the parti- 
sans were active. Marin brought back his two hun- 
dred men from the skirts of Fort Edward, with the 
pomp of a triumphant warrior. " He did not amuse 
himself with making prisoners," said Montcalm, on 
seeing but one captive ; 2 and the red men yelled for 
joy as they counted in the canoes two-and-forty scalps 
of Englishmen. 

1 Montcalm's Circular to his Of- a Montcalm to Vaudreuil, 27 
ficers, 25 July, 1757. July, 1757. 


The Ottawas resolved to humble the arrogance of chap 
the American boatmen ; and they lay hid in ambuscades ^^ 
all the twenty-third of July, and all the following night. 175 7. 
At daybreak of the twenty-fourth, Palmer was seen on 
the lake in command of two-and-twenty barges. The 
Indians rushed on his party suddenly, terrified them 
by their yells, and, after killing many, took one hun- 
dred and sixty prisoners. " To-morrow or next day," 
said the captives, " General "Webb will be at the fort 
with fresh troops." "No matter," said Montcalm; 
" in less than twelve days I will have a good story to 
tell about them." From the timid Webb there was 
nothing to fear. He went, it is true, to Fort William 
Henry, but took care to leave again with a large 
escort, just in season to avoid its siege. 

It is the custom of the Red Man, after success, to 
avoid the further chances of war and hurry home. 
"To remain now," said the Ottawas, "would be 
to tempt the Master of life." * But Montcalm, after 
the boats and canoes had, without oxen or horses, 
by main strength, been borne up to Lake George, 
held on the plain above the portage one general coun- 
cil of union. All the tribes from the banks of 
Michigan and Superior to the borders of Acadia, 
were present, seated on the ground according to their 
rank, and, in the name of Louis the Fifteenth, Mont- 
calm produced the mighty belt of six thousand shells, 
which, being solemnly accepted, bound all by the ho- 
liest ties to remain together till the end of the expe- 
dition. The belt was given to the Iroquois, as the 
most numerous ; but they courteously transferred it to 
the upper nations, who came, though strangers, to 

1 Bougainville to the minister, 19 August, 1757. 


chap, their aid. In the scarcity of boats, the Iroquois 
w^ agreed to guide De Levi, with twenty-five hundred 
1757. men, by land, through the rugged country which they 
called their own. 

The Christian savages employed their short leisure 
at the confessional ; the tribes from above, restlessly 
weary, dreamed dreams, consulted the great medicine- 
men, and, hanging up the complete equipment of a 
war-chief as an offering to their Manitou, embarked 
on the last day of July. 

% The next day, two hours after noon, Montcalm 
followed with the main body of the army, in two 
hundred and fifty boats. The Indians, whom he 
overtook, preceded him in their decorated canoes. 
Rain fell in torrents ; yet they rowed nearly all the 
night, till they came in sight of the three trian- 
gular fires, that, from a mountain ridge, pointed to 
the encampment of De Levi. There, in Ganousky, 
or, as some call it, Northwest Bay, they held a 
council of war, and then, with the artillery, they 
moved slowly to a bay, of which the point could not 
be turned without exposure to the enemy. An hour 
before midnight, two English boats were descried on 
the lake, when some of the upper Indians paddled 
two canoes to attack them, and with such celerity, 
that one of the boats was seized and overpowered. 
Two prisoners being reserved, the rest were massa- 
cred. The Indians lost but one warrior, a great 
chieftain of the nation of the ISTepisings. 

On the morning of the second day of August, the 
savages dashed openly upon the water, and, forming 
across the lake a chain of their bark canoes, they 
made the bay resound with their war-cry. The Eng- 
lish were taken almost by surprise. Their tents still 


covered the plains. Montcalm disembarked without chap. 

. XI 

interruption, about a mile and a half below the fort, ^^ 
and advanced in three columns. The Indians hurried 175 7. 
to burn the barracks of the English, to chase their 
cattle and horses, to scalp their stragglers. During 
the day they occupied, with Canadians under La Corne, 
the road leading to the Hudson, and cut off the com- 
munication. At the north was the encampment of 
De Levi, with regulars and Canadians ; while Mont- 
calm, with the main body of the army, occupied 
the skirt of the wood, on the west side of the lake. 
His whole force consisted of six thousand French and 
Canadians, and about seventeen hundred Indians. 
Fort William Henry was defended by Lieutenant- 
Colonel Monro, 1 of the thirty-fifth regiment, a brave 
officer and a man of strict honor, with less than five 
hundred men, while seventeen hundred men lay in- 
trenched near his side, on the eminence to the south- 
east, now marked by the ruins of Fort George. 

Meantime, the braves of the Nepisings, faithful to 
the rites of their fathers, celebrated the funereal 
honors of their departed brother. The lifeless frame, 
dressed as became a war-chief, glittered with belts, 
and ear-rings, and the brilliant vermilion; a riband, 
fiery red, supported a gorget on his breast ; the tom- 
ahawk was in his girdle, the pipe at his lips, the lance 
in his hand, at his side the well-filled bowl ; and thus 
the departed warrior sat upright on the green turf, 
which was his death-couch. The speech for the dead 
was pronounced ; the death-dances and chants began ; 
the murmurs of human voices mingled with the sound 
of drums and the tinkling of little bells. And thus 

1 Captain Christie to Governor Pownall, 10 August, 1757. 


chap, arrayed, in a sitting posture, he was consigned to the 
v _ y _ earth, well provided with food, and surrounded by 
1757. the splendors which delighted him when alive. 1 

On the fourth of August, the French summoned 
Monro to surrender ; but the gallant old soldier sent 
an answer of defiance. Montcalm hastened his works ; 
the troops dragged the artillery over rocks and 
through the forests, and with alacrity brought fascines 
and gabions. The red men, unused to a siege, were 
eager to hear the big guns. Soon, the first battery, 
of nine cannon and two mortars, was finished ; and, 
amidst the loud screams of the savages, it began to 
play, while a thousand echoes were returned by the 
mountains. In two days more, a second was estab- 
lished, and, by means of the zigzags, the Indians could 
stand within gun-shot of the fortress. Just then ar* 
rived letters from France conferring on Montcalm the 
red riband, with rank as knight commander of the 
order of St. Louis. " We are glad," said the red men, 
" of the favor done you by the great Onontio ; but we 
neither love you nor esteem you the more for it ; we 
love the man, and not what hangs on his outside." 
"Webb, at Fort Edward, had an army of four thousand, 
and might have summoned the militia from all the 
near villages to the rescue. He sent nothing but a 
letter, with an exaggerated account of the French 
force, and his advice to capitulate. Montcalm inter- 
cepted the letter, which he immediately forwarded to 
Monro. Yet, not till the eve of the festival of St. 
Lawrence, when half his guns were burst, and his 
ammunition was almost exhausted, did the dauntless 
veteran hang out a flag of truce. 

1 Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses. 


With a view to make the capitulation inviolably chap. 
binding on the Indians, Montcalm summoned their war- Wv _ 
chiefs to council. The English were to depart with 1757. 
the honors of war, on a pledge not to serve against 
the French for eighteen months ; they were to aban- 
don all but their private effects; an escort was to 
attend them on their departure ; every Canadian or 
French Indian made captive during the war was to be 
liberated. The Indians applauded; the capitulation 
was signed. Late on the ninth of August, the French 
entered the fort, and the English retired to their 
intrenched camp. 

Montcalm had kept from the savages all intoxicat- 
ing drinks, but they solicited and obtained them of 
the English, and all night long they were wild with 
dances and songs and revelry. The Abenakis of 
Acadia excited the angry passions of other tribes, by 
recalling the sorrows they had suffered from English 
perfidy and English power. At daybreak, they 
gathered round the intrenchments, and, as the terrified 
English soldiers filed off, began to plunder them, and 
incited one another to swing the tomahawk recklessly. 
Twenty, perhaps even thirty, persons were massacred, - 
while very many were made prisoners. Officers and 
soldiers, stripped of every thing, fled to the woods, to 
the fort, to the tents of the French. To arrest the 
disorder, De Levi plunged into the tumult, daring 
death a thousand times. French officers received 
wounds in rescuing the captives, and stood at their 
tents as sentries over those they had recovered. " Kill 
me," cried Montcalm, using prayers, and menaces, and 
promises ; " but spare the English, who are under my 
protection ;" * and he urged the troops to defend 

1 Montcalm to the Minister, 8 Sept., 1757. 
vol. iv. 23 


chap, themselves. The march to Fort Edward was a night f 

_ y _ not more than six hundred reached there in a body. 

1757. From the French camp Montcalm collected together 

more than four hundred^ who were dismissed with a 

great escort, and he sent De Vaudreuil to ransom 

those whom the Indians had carried away. 1 

After the surrender of Fort William Henry, the 
savages retired. Twelve hundred men were employed 
to demolish the fort, and nearly a thousand to lade 
the vast stores that had been given up. As Mont- 
calm withdrew, he praised his happy fortune, that his 
victory was, on his own side, almost bloodless, his loss 
in killed and wounded being but fifty-three. The 
Canadian peasants returned to gather their harvests, 
and the Lake resumed its solitude. Nothing told that 
civilized man had reposed upon its margin, but the 
charred rafters of ruins, and here and there, on the 
side hill, a crucifix among the pines to mark a grave. 3 

Pusillanimity pervaded the English camp. Webb 
at Fort Edward, with six thousand men, was expect- 
ing to be attacked every minute. He sent his own 
baggage to a place which he deemed secure ; and 
wished to retreat to the highlands on the Hudson. 
" For God's sake," wrote the officer in command at 
Albany, to the governor of Massachusetts, "exert 
yourselves to save a province ; New York itself may 
fall ; 1 save a country ; prevent the downfall of the 

1 Montcalm to Loudoun, 14 Au- of the War, 82-85. — French Ac- 
gust, 1757. Journal de l'Expedi- counts in New York Paris Docu- 
tion, &c, &c. ments, xiii. — Compare Smith's New 

2 Memoires sur Canada. — Lettres York. Hoyt's Antiquarian Re- 

Edifiantes et Curieuses.— Corres- searches. — Dwight's Travels, 

pondence of A.Colden. H. Sharpe 3 Capt. Christie to Go v. Pownall, 

and others. — Knox's Journal. — Ro- 10 August, 1757. 

gers's Journal. Mante's History 


British government upon this continent." 1 Pownall chap, 
ordered the inhabitants west of Connecticut Biver _,_> 
to destroy their wheel-carriages and drive in their 1757. 
cattle. Loudoun proposed to encamp on Long Island, 
for the defence of the continent. Every day it was 
said, " My Lord Loudoun goes soon to Albany," and 
still each day found him at New York. " We have a 
great number of troops," said even royalists, " but 
the inhabitants on the frontier will not be one jot the 
safer for them." 

The English had been driven from every cabin in 
the basin of the Ohio; Montcalm had destroyed 
every vestige of their power within that of the St. 
Lawrence. France had her posts on each side of the 
Lakes, and at Detroit, at Mackinaw, at Kaskaskia, and 
at New Orleans. The two great valleys of the Mis- 
sissippi and the St. Lawrence were connected chiefly 
by three well known routes, — by way of Waterford 
to Fort Duquesne, by way of the Maumee to the 
Wabash, and by way of Chicago to the Illinois. Of 
the North American continent, the French claimed, 
and seemed to possess, twenty parts in twenty-five, 
leaving four only to Spain, and but one to Britain. 
Their territory exceeded that of the English twenty- 
fold. As the men composing the garrison at Fort 
Loudoun, in Tennessee, were but so many hostages in 
the hands of the Cherokees, the claim of France to 
the valleys of the Mississippi and the St. Lawrence 
seemed established by possession. 

America and England were humiliated. They 
longed to avenge themselves ; yet, Sharpe, of Mary- 
land, made the apology of the "viceroy," approved 

1 Capt. Christie to Gov. Pownall, 11 Augnst, 1757. 


chap, liis system, and again and again urged taxation by 
^^ parliament. From every royal province complaints 
1757. Laving the same tendency were renewed. From New 
Hampshire, Wentworth wrote that " the prerogative 
of the crown was treated with contempt ; the royal 
commission and instructions were rendered useless ;" 
"the members of both houses were all become Com- 
monwealth's men." 1 There were not royalists enough, 
in New Hampshire to form a council. " I cannot pre- 
vail with this republican assembly," said Dobbs, of 
North Carolina, " to submit to instructions. If they 
raise the money, they name the persons for public 
service." 2 William Smith, the semi-republican histo- 
rian of New York, insisted that " the Board of Trade 
did not know the state of America," and he urged a 
law for an American union with an American parlia- 
ment. " The defects of the first plan," said he, " will 
be supplied by experience. The British constitution 
ought to be the model ; and, from our knowledge of 
its faults, the American one may rise with more health 
and soundness in its first contexture than Great Britain 
will ever enjoy." 

But Loudoun still adhered to the plan of over- 
awing colonial assemblies by a concentrated military 
power. Recruiting officers from Nova Scotia, asking 
the justices of peace at Boston to quarter and billet 
them, as provided by the British mutiny act, were 
refused ; for the act, it was held, did not extend to 
America; and the general, in November, demanded 
immediate submission. " He would prevent the whole 
continent from being thrown into confusion." " I have 
ordered," these were the words of his message, " I 

1 Wentworth to Lords of Trade, 2 Dobbs to Lords of Trade, 26 
Oct., 1757. Dec., 1757. 


have ordered the messenger to wait but forty-eight chap 
hours in Boston ; and if, on his return, I find things ^i, 
*ot settled, I will instantly order into Boston the 1757. 
three regiments from New York, Long Island, and 
Connecticut ; and if more are wanted, I have two in 
the Jerseys at hand, besides three in Pennsylvania." 

Yet Loudoun yielded to the view of Massachu- 
setts; and the Assembly and Council, won by the 
condescension, allowed Thomas Hutchinson, then of 
the Council, to draft for them a memorable message, 
in which he recommended himself by introducing the 
doctrines of the Board of Trade. " Our dependence 
on the parliament of Great Britain," thus ran the 
state paper, " we never had a desire or thought of 
lessening." " The authority of all acts of parliament, 
which extend to the colonies, is ever acknowledged in 
all the courts of law, and made the rule of all judicial 
proceedings in the province. There is not a member 
of the General Court, and we know no inhabitant 
within the bounds of the government, that ever ques- 
tioned this authority." And the principles of inde- 
pendence imputed to them by Loudoun they utterly 
disavowed. Yet the opinion in the provinces was 
very general, that the war was conducted by a mix- 
ture of ignorance and cowardice. They believed that 
they were able to defend themselves against the 
French and Indians without any assistance or embar- 
rassments from England. " Oh that we had nothing 
to do with Great Britain forever," was then the wish 
of John Adams in his heart. 1 

Everywhere the royal officers actively asserted the 
authority of the king and the British nation over 

1 John Adams to George Alex. Otis, 19 Feb., 1822. Jay's Jay, 
li. 416. 



chap America. Did the increase of population lead the 
,^4i^ legislatures to enlarge the representative body ? The 
17 57. right to do so was denied, and representation was held 
to be a privilege conceded by the king as a boon, and 
limited by his will. Did the British commander be- 
lieve that the French colonies through the neutral 
islands derived provisions from the continent? By 
his own authority he proclaimed an embargo in every 
American port. Did South Carolina, by its Assem- 
bly, institute an artillery company ? Lyttleton inter- 
posed his veto, for there should be no company 
formed but by the regal commission. . By another act, 
the same Assembly made provision for quartering 
soldiers, introducing into the law the declaratory 
clause, that " no soldier should ever be billeted among 
them." This, also, Lyttleton negatived ; and but for 
the conciliatory good temper of Bouquet, who com- 
manded at Charleston, the province would have been 
inflamed by the peremptory order which came from 
* Loudoun to grant billets under the act of parliament. 

Thus did the government of the English aristo- 
cracy paralyze the immense energies of the British 
empire. In the North, Russia had been evoked from 
the steppes of Asia to be the arbiter of Germany. In 
the Mediterranean Sea, Minorca was lost ; for Hanover, 
Cumberland had acceded to a shameful treaty of neu- 
trality ; in America, England had been driven from 
the valley of the Mississippi and the whole basin of 
the St. Lawrence with its tributary lakes and rivers. 

And yet sentence had been passed upon the mo- 
narchy of feudalism. The enthusiast Swedenborg 
had announced that its day of judgment was come. 
The English aristocracy, being defeated, summoned to 


their aid, not, indeed, the power of the people, but, at chap 
least, influence with the people, in the person of Wil- ^^ 
liam Pitt. A private man in England, in middle life, 1757. 
with no fortune, with no party, with no strong family 
connections, having few votes under his sway in the 
House of Commons, and perhaps not one in the House 
of Lords,- — a feeble valetudinarian, shunning pleasure 
and society, haughty and retired, and half his time 
disabled by the agonies of hereditary gout, was now 
the hope of the English world. Assuming power, as 
with the voice of an archangel, he roused the states of 
Protestantism to wage a war for mastery against the 
despotic monarchy and the institutions of the Middle 
Ages, and to secure to humanity its futurity of free- 
dom. Protestantism is not humanity ; its name implies 
a party struggling to throw off some burdens of the 
past, and ceasing to be a renovating principle when 
its protest shall have succeeded. It was now for the 
last time, as a political element, summoned to appear 
upon the theatre of the nations, to control their 
alliances, and to perfect its triumph by leaving no oc- 
casion for its reappearance in arms. Its final victo- 
rious struggle preceded the reddening in the sky of 
the morning of a new civilization. Its last war was 
first in the series of the great wars of revolution that 
founded for the world of mankind the power of the 




chap. " The orator is vastly well provided for," thought 
_^ Bedford, in 1746, on the appointment of William 
1757. Pitt to a subordinate office' of no political influence. 
" I assure your grace of my warmest gratitude," wrote 
Pitt himself, in 1750, to Newcastle, who falsely pre- 
tended to have spoken favorably of him to the king ; 
and now, in defiance of Bedford and Newcastle, and 
the antipathy of the king, he is become the foremost 
man in England, received into the ministry as its 
" guide," because he alone was the choice of the peo- 
ple, and, by his greatness of soul and commanding elo- 
quence, could restore the state. 

On his dismissal in April, no man had the hardi- 
hood to accept his place. A storm of indignation 
burst from the nation. To Pitt and to Legge, who had 
also opposed the Kussian treaty, London, with many 
other cities, voted its freedom ; unexampled discon- 
tent pervaded the country. Newcastle, whose pusil 
lanimity exceeded his vanity, dared not attempt form- 
ing a ministry ; and by declining to do so, renewed 


Ms confession that the government of Great Britain chap. 
could no longer be administered by a party, which ^.^ 
had for its principle to fight up alike against the king 1757. 
and against the people. The inebriate Granville, the 
President of the Council, would have infused his 
jovial intrepidity into the junto of Fox ; but Fox him- 
self was desponding. 1 Bedford had his scheme, which 
he employed Rigby to establish ; and when it proved 
impracticable, indulged himself in reproaches, and the 
display of 2 anger, and withdrew to Woburn Abbey. 
In the midst of war, the country was left to anarchy. 
" We are undone," said Chesterfield ; " at home, by 
our increasing expenses ; abroad, by ill-luck and inca- 
pacity;" the Elector of Hesse, the Grand Duke of 
Brunswick, destitute of the common honesty of hire- 
lings, were in the * market to be bid for by the ene- 
mies of their lavish employer ; the King of Prussia, 
Britain's only ally, seemed overwhelmed, Hanover 
reduced, and the French were masters in America, 
So dark an hour, so gloomy a prospect, England had 
not known during the century. 

But the mind of Pitt always inclined to hope. 
"I am sure," said he to the Duke of Devonshire, 
a I can save this country, and nobody else can." 
For eleven weeks England was without a ministry ; 
so long was the agony ; so desperate the resistance ; 
so reluctant the surrender. At last the king and the 
aristocracy were alike compelled to recognise the 
ascendency and yield to the guidance of the man 
whom the nation trusted and loved. Made wise by 
experience, and relying on his own vigor of will for a 

1 "Walpole's Memoires. 2 Bedford Corr. ii. 245. 


chap, controlling influence, he formed a ministry from many 
v^^L, factions. Lord Anson, Hardwicke's "son-in-law, took 
1757 again the highest seat at the Board of the Admi- 
ralty. Fox, who had children, and had wasted his 
fortune, accepted the place of paymaster, which the 
war made enormously lucrative. Newcastle had pro- 
mised Halifax a new office as third secretary of state 
for the colonies. " I did not speak about it," was the 
duke's apology to him ; " Pitt looked so much out of 
humor, I dared not." 1 And the disappointed man 
railed without measure at the knavery and cow- 
ardice of Newcastle. 2 But Pitt reconciled him by 
leaving him his old post in the Board of Trade, with 
all its patronage, adding the dignity of a cabinet 
councillor. Henley, afterwards Lord Northington, 
became Lord Chancellor, opening* the way for Sir 
Charles Pratt to be made Attorney-General, and 
George Grenville was Treasurer of the Navy. The 
illustrious statesman himself, the ablest his country 
had seen since Cromwell, whom he surpassed in the 
grandeur and in the integrity of his ambition, being 
resolved on making England the greatest nation in 
the world, and himself its greatest minister, took the 
seals of the Southern Department, with the conduct of 
the war in all parts of the globe. With few personal 
friends, with no considerable party, and an aversion to 
the exercise of patronage, he left to Newcastle the 
first seat at the Treasury Board, with the disposi- 
tion of bishoprics, petty offices, and contracts, and the 
management of "all the classes of venality." 3 At 

that day, the good will of the people was, in England, 


1 Dodington's Diary, 208. 3 Almon's Biographical Anec- 

2 Rigby to Bedford, 18 June, dotes, iii. 362 
1757 r in Bedford's Corr. ii. 249. 


the most uncertain tenure of office ; for they had no chap. 
strength in parliament ; their favorite held his high v— ^^ 
position at the sufferance of the aristocracy. " I bor- 1757. 
row," said Pitt, " the Duke of Newcastle's majority to 
carry on the public business." * 

The new ministry kissed hands early in July, 
1757. "Sire," said the Secretary, "give me your 
confidence, and I will deserve it." ft Deserve my con- 
fidence," replied the king, " and you shall have it ;" 2 
and kept his word. All England applauded the 
Great Commoner's elevation. John Wilkes, 3 then 
just elected member of parliament, promised " steady 
support to the measures " of " the ablest minister, as 
well as the first character, of the age." Bearing a 
message from Leicester House, " Thank God," wrote 
Bute, " I see you in office. If even the wreck of this 
crown can be preserved to our amiable young prince, 
it is to your abilities he must owe it. You have a 
soul, that, instead of sinking under adversity, will 
rise and grow stronger against it." 

But Pitt knew himself called to the ministry 
neither by the king, nor by the parliament of the 
aristocracy, nor by Leicester House, but "by the 
voice of the people ;" and the affairs of the em- 
pire were now directed by a man who had de- 
manded for his countrymen an uncorrupted repre- 
sentation, a prevailing influence in designating min- 
isters, and " a supreme service" from the king. 
Assuming power, he bent all factions to his authori- 
tative will, and made " a venal age unanimous." 
The energy of his mind was the spring of his elo- 

1 Harris's Life of Hardwicke, iii. 3 Chatham Correspondence, i. 
450, 240. 

2 Almon's Anecdotes, i. 229. 


chap, quence. His presence was inspiration ; he himself 
^^ was greater than his speeches. Others have uttered 
1757. thoughts of beauty and passion, of patriotism and 
courage ; none by words accomplished deeds like him. 
His voice resounded throughout the world, impelling 
the servants of the British state to achievements of 
glory on the St. Lawrence and along the Ganges. 
Animated by his' genius, a corporation for trade did 
what Rome had not dreamed of, and a British mer- 
chant's clerk made conquests as rapidly as other men 
make journeys, resting his foot in permanent triumph 
where Alexander of Macedon had faltered. Ruling 
with unbounded authority the millions of free minds 
whose native tongue was his own, with but one con- 
siderable ally on the European continent, with no re- 
sources in America but from the good- will of the colo- 
nies, he led forth the England which had planted pop- 
ular freedom along the western shore of the Atlantic, 
the England which was still the model of liberty, to en- 
counter the whole force of the despotisms of Catholic 
Europe, and defend " the common cause" against what 
he called "the most powerful and malignant confe- 
deracy that ever threatened the independence of man- 
kind." 1 

The contest, which had now spread into both hem- 
ispheres, began in America. The English colonies, 
dragging England into their strife, claimed to advance 
their frontiers, and to include the great central valley 
of the continent in their system. The American 
question, therefore, was, Shall the continued coloniza- 

1 Chatham Corr., i. 226. 


fcion of North America be made under the auspices of chap. 


English Protestantism and popular liberty, or shall , ^^ 

the tottering legitimacy of France, in its connection 1757. 
with Eoman Catholic Christianity, win for itself new 
empire in that hemisphere ? The question of the Eu- 
ropean continent was, Shall a Protestant revolution- 
ary kingdom, like Prussia, be permitted to rise up 
and grow strong within its heart ? Considered in its 
unity, as interesting mankind, the question was, 
Shall the Reformation, developed to the fulness of 
Free Inquiry, succeed in its protest against the Mid- 
dle Age ? 

The war that closed in 1748 had been a mere 
scramble for advantages, and was sterile of results ; 
the present conflict, which was to prove a Seven 
Years' War, was an encounter of parties, of reform 
against the unreformed ; and this was so profoundly 
true, that all the predilections or personal antipathies 
of sovereigns and ministers could not prevent the al- 
liances, collisions, and results necessary to make it so. 
George the Second, who was also sovereign of Han- 
over, in September, 1755, contracted with Eussia for 
the defence of that electorate ; but Eussia, which was 
neither Catholic nor Protestant, tolerant in religion, 
though favoring absolutism in government, could 
not be relied upon by either party, and passed alter- 
nately from one camp to the other. England, the 
most liberal Protestant kingdom, had cherished inti- 
mate relations with Austria, the most legitimate Ca- 
tholic power, and, to strengthen the connection, had 
scattered bribes, with open hands, to Mayence, Co- 
logne, Bavaria, the Count Palatine, to elect Joseph 
the Second King of the Eomans. And all the while, 
Austria was separating itself from its old ally, and 
vol. iv. " 24 


chap, forming a confederacy of the Catholic powers ; while 
_^ George the Second, though he personally disliked his 
1757. nephew, Frederic, was driven irresistibly to lean on 
his friendship. 

A deep, but perhaps unconscious, conviction of 
approaching decrepitude bound together the legiti- 
mate Catholic sovereigns. In all Europe, there was a 
striving after reform. Men were grown weary of the 
superstitions of the Middle Age ; of idlers and beg- 
gars, sheltering themselves in sanctuaries ; of hopes of 
present improvement suppressed by the anxious ter- 
rors of hell and purgatory ; the countless monks and 
priests, whose vows of celibacy tempted to licentious- 
ness. The lovers and upholders of the past desired a 
union among the governments that rested upon medi- 
aeval traditions. For years had it been whispered 
that the House of Austria should unite itself firmly 
with the House of Bourbon j 1 and now the Empress 
Maria Theresa, herself a hereditary queen, a wife and 
a mother, religious even to bigotry, by an autograph 
letter caressed endearingly the Marchioness de Pom- 
padour, once the French king's mistress, now the pro- 
curess of his pleasures, to win her influence for the 
alliance. Kaunitz, the minister who alone had her 
confidence, a man who concealed political sagacity and 
an inflexible will under the semblance of luxurious 
ease, won favor as ambassador at the court of Ver- 
sailles by his affectations and his prodigal expense. 
And in May, 1756, that is, in the two hundred 
and eightieth year of the jealous strife between the 
Houses of Hapsburg and of Capet, France and Aus- 

1 Sir Charles Hanbury Williams August, 1747, in Appendix to Wal- 
to a private friend. Dresden, 27 pole's Memoires, ii. 474. 


tria put aside their ancient rivalry, and joined to de- chap. 
fend the Europe of the Middle Age, with its legiti- ^_ 
mate despotisms, its aristocracies, and its ecclesiastical 1757. 
powers, against Protestantism and the encroachments 
of free inquiry. 

Among the rulers of the European continent, Fre- 
deric, with but four millions of subjects, stood forth 
alone, " the unshaken bulwark of Protestantism and 
freedom of thought." 1 His kingdom itself was the 
offspring of the Reformation, in its origin revolutionary 
and Protestant. His father — whose palace life was 
conducted with the economy and simplicity of the 
German middle class, — at whose evening entertain- 
ments a wooden chair, a pipe, and a mug of beer were 
placed for each of the guests that assembled to discuss 
politics with their prince, 2 — harsh as a parent, severe 
as a master, despotic as a sovereign — received with 
painfully scrupulous piety every article of the Lutheran 
creed and every form of its worship. His son, who 
inherited an accumulated treasure and the best army 
in Europe, publicly declared his opinion, that, " politi- 
cally considered, Protestantism was the most desirable 
religion f 8 that " his royal electoral house, without 
one example of apostasy, had professed it for centu- 
ries f and Protestantism saw in him its champion. 
As the contest advanced, the fervent Clement the- 
Thirteenth commemorated an Austrian victory over 
Prussia by the present of a consecrated cap and 

1 Daum's Denkwiirdigkeiten, iv. 2 Schlosser, i. 249, 252. 
387. Politz: Umriss des Preus- 3 Preuss: Leben Friedric II., i. 
sischen Staates, 195, 210, 237, 242. 105, 106. 
Schlosser's Gescliichte des acht- 
zehnten Jahrhunderts, ii. 276. 


chap, sword ; l while, in the. weekly concerts for prayer 2 in 

_,_ ~New England, petitions went up for the Prussian hero, 

1757. "who had drawn his sword in the cause of religious 

liberty, of the Protestant interest, and the liberties of 

Europe." " His victories," said Mayhew, of Boston, 

" are our own." 8 

The Reformation was an expression of the right of 
the human intellect to freedom. The same principle 
was active in France, where philosophy panted for 
liberty ; where Massillon had hinted that kings are 
chosen for the welfare of the people ; and Voltaire, in 
the empire of letters, marshalled hosts against priest- 
craft. Monarchy, itself, was losing its sanctity. The 
Bourbons had risen to the throne through the frank 
and generous Henry the Fourth, who, in the sports of 
childhood, played barefoot and bareheaded with the 
peasant boys on the mountains of Beam. The cradle 
of Louis the Fifteenth was rocked in the pestilent 
atmosphere of the Regency ; his tutor, when from the 
palace-windows he pointed out the multitudes, had 
said to the royal child, " Sire, this people is yours ;" 
and as he grew old in profligate sensuality, he joined 
the mechanism of superstition with the maxims of 
absolutism, mitigating his dread of hell by the belief, 
that Heaven is indulgent to the licentiousness of kings. 
In France, therefore, there was no alliance between the 
'government and liberal opinion, and that opinion 
migrated from Versailles to the court of Prussia. The 
renovating intelligence of France declared against 

1 (Euvres Posthumes de Fred. Mayhew, 20, 22, 23. Too much at- 

II., iii. 343, 344. Ranke: Ges- tention has been given to the pos- 

chichte der Pabste, iv. 192, 193. thumous calumnies in which Vol- 

8 Boston Evening Post, 27 June, taire exhaled his suppressed malice 

1757. and spleen. In point of character 

8 Sermon of Cooper, of Boston, Voltaire was vastly inferior to Fre- 

24. Two Discourses by Jonathan deric. 


Louis the Fifteenth and his system ; and, awaiting a chap. 
better summons for its perfect sympathy, saw in Fre- ^^-L, 
deric the present hero of light and reason. Thus the 1757. 
subtle and pervading influence of the inquisitive mind 
of France was arrayed with England, Prussia, and 
America, that is, with Protestantism, philosophic free- 
dom, and the nascent democracy, in their struggle with 
the conspiracy of European prejudice and legitimacy, 
of priestcraft and despotism. 

The centre of that conspiracy was the empress of 
Austria with the apostate Elector of Saxony, who was 
king of Poland. Aware of the forming combination, 
Frederic resolved to attack his enemies before they 
were prepared; and in August, 1756, he invaded 
Saxony, took Dresden, blockaded the Elector's army 
at Pirna, gained a victory over the imperial forces that 
were advancing for its relief, and closed the campaign 
in the middle of October, by compelling it to 
capitulate. In the following winter, the alliances 
against him were completed ; and not Saxony only, 
and Austria, with Hungary, but the German empire, 
half the German States, — Russia, not from motives of 
public policy, but from a woman's caprice, — Sweden, 
subservient to the Catholic powers through the de- 
grading ascendency of its nobility, — France, as the 
ally of Austria, — more than half the continent, took 
up arms against Frederic, who had no allies in the 
South, or East, or North, and in the "West none but 
Hanover, with Hesse and Brunswick. "And as for 
Spain, not even the offer from Pitt of the conditional 
restitution of Gibraltar, 1 and the evacuation of all 
English establishments on the Mosquito Shore and in 

1 Pitt to Keene, 23 Aug., 1757. Chat. Oorr., i. 249. 


chap, the Bay of Honduras, nor any consideration what- 
^^^ ever, could move the Catholic monarch " to draw the 
1757. sword in favor of heretics." * 

May. As spring opened, Frederic hastened to meet the 

Austrian army in Bohemia. They retired, under the 
command of Charles of Lorraine, abandoning well 
stored magazines, and, in May, 1757, for the preserva- 
tion of Prague, risked a battle under its walls. After 
terrible carnage, the victory remained with Frederic, 
who at once framed the most colossal design that ever 
entered the mind of a soldier, — to execute against 
Austria a series of measures like those against Saxony 
at Pirna, to besiege Prague and compel the army of 
Charles of Lorraine to surrender. But the cautious 

June. Daun, a man of high birth, esteemed by the empress 
queen and beloved by the Catholic Church, pressed 
slowly forward to raise the siege. Dazzled by hope, 
Frederic, leaving a part of his army before Prague, 
went forth with the rest to attack the Austrian com- 
mander, and, on the eighteenth of June, attempted to 
storm his intrenchments on the heights of Colin. 
His brave battalions were repelled with disastrous 
loss. Left almost unattended, as he gazed at the 
spectacle, " Will you carry the battery alone V de- 
manded one of his lieutenants; on which, the hero 
rode calmly towards the left wing and ordered a 

The refined, but feeble, August William, Prince of 
Prussia, had remained at Prague. " All men are 
children of one father ;" thus Frederic had once re- 
proved his pride of birth ; " all are members of one 

1 Keene to Pitt, 26 Sept., 1757. Chat. Corr., i. 271. 


family, and, for all your pride, are of equal birth, and char 
of the same blood. Would you stand above them ? ^~> 
Then excel them in humanity, gentleness, and virtue." 1757. 
At heart opposed to the cause of mankind, the Prince 
had, from the first, urged his brother to avoid the 
war ; and at this time, when drops of bitterness were 
falling thickly into the hero's cup, he broke out into pu- 
sillanimous complaints, advising a shameful peace, by 
concession to Austria. But Frederic's power was now 
first to appear ; as victory fell away from him, he stood 
alone before his fellow-men, in unconquerable great- 

Raising the siege of Prague, he conducted the 
retreat of one division of his army into Saxony with- 
out loss ; the other the Prince of Prussia led in a 
manner contrary to the rules of war and to common 
sense, and more disastrous than the loss of a pitched 
battle. Frederic censured the dereliction harshly ; in 
that day of disaster, he would not tolerate a failure of 
duty, even in the heir to the throne. 1 

The increasing dangers became terrible. "I am July, 
resolved," wrote Frederic, in July, "to save my 
country or perish." Colin became the war-cry of 
French and Russians, of Swedes and Imperialists; a 
Russian army invaded his dominions on the east ; the 
Swedes from the north threatened Pomerania and 
Berlin ; a vast army of the French was concentrating 
itself at Erfurt for the recovery of Saxony ; while 
Austria, recruited by Bavaria and Wurtemberg, was 
conquering Silesia. " The Prussians will win no more 
victories," wrote the queen of Poland. Death at this 

1 The royalist writers make an the vain and mean-spirited Prinoe 
outcry against Frederic for his jus- of Prussia the honors of martyr- 


chap, moment took from Frederic Ms mother, whom he 


w^ loved most tenderly. A few friends remained faithful 

1757. to him, cheering him by their correspondence. "O, 

that Heaven had heaped all ills on me alone !" said 

his affectionate sister ; " I would have borne them 

with firmness." 

Aug. Having vainly attempted to engage the enemy in 

Silesia in a pitched battle, Frederic repaired to the 
West, to encounter the united army of the Imperial- 
ists and French. " I can leave you no large garrison," 
was his message to Fink at Dresden ; " but be of good 
cheer ; to keep the city will do you vast honor." On 
his way, he learns that the Austrians have won a vic- 

Sept. tory over Winterfeld and Bevern, his generals in 
Silesia, that Winterfeld had fallen, that Bevern had 
retreated to the lake near Breslau, and was opposed 
by the Austrians at Lissa. On the eighth of Sep- 
tember, the day after the great disaster in Silesia, the 
Duke of Cumberland, having been defeated and com- 
pelled to retire, signed for his army and for Hanover 
a convention of neutrality. 1 " Here," said George the 
Second, on meeting the Duke, " is my son, who has 
ruined me and disgraced himself." Voltaire advised 
Frederic to imitate Cumberland. " If every string 
breaks," wrote Frederic to the Duke Ferdinand 
of Brunswick, " throw yourself into Magdeburg. 
Situated as we are, we must persuade ourselves that 
one of us is worth four others." Morning dawned on 
new miseries ; 2 night came without a respite to his 
cares. He spoke serenely of the path to eternal rest, 
and his own resolve to live and die free. " O my 

1 (Euvres de Fred. II., iii. 132, 2 Epitre au Marquis d'Argens, 
133. (Euvres vii. 176, 178, 180. 


beloved people," lie exclaimed, " my wishes live but chap. 
for you ; to you belongs every drop of my blood, and ^ v _ > 
from my heart I would gladly give my life for my 1757. 
country." And, reproving the meanness of spirit of 
Voltaire, " I am a man," he wrote, in October, in the Oct. 
moment of intensest danger; "born, therefore, to 
suffer ; to the rigor of destiny I oppose my own con- 
stancy ; menaced with shipwreck, I will breast the 
tempest, and think, and live, and die, as a sovereign." 
In a week, Berlin itself was in the hands of his enemies. 

When, on the fourth of November, after various Nov. 
changes of position, the king of Prussia, with but 
twenty-one thousand six hundred men, resumed his 
encampment on the heights of Rossbach, the Prince 
de Rohan Soubise, who commanded the French and 
Imperial army of more than sixty-four thousand, was 
sure of compelling him to surrender. On the morn- 
ing of the fifth, the combined forces marched in flank 
to cut off his retreat. From the battlements of the 
old castle of Rossbach, Frederic gazed on their move- 
ment ; his sagacity, at a glance, penetrated their de- 
sign ; and, obeying the flush of his exulting mind, he 
on the instant made his dispositions for an attack. 
" Forward !" he cried, at half-past two ; at three, not 
a Prussian remained in the village. He seemed to 
retreat towards Merseburg; but, concealed by the 
high land of Reichertswerben, the chivalrous Seidlitz, 
with the Prussian cavalry, having turned the right 
of the enemy, planted his cannon on an eminence. 
Through the low ground beneath him, they were 
marching in columns, in eager haste, their cavalry in 
front and at a distance from their infantry. A mo- 
ment's delay, an inch of ground gained, and they 
would have come into line. But Seidlitz and his 


chap, cavalry on their right, eight battalions of infantry on 
^^L. their left, with orders precise and exactly executed, 
175 7. bore down impetuously on the cumbrous columns, and 
routed them before they could form, and even before 
the larger part of the Prussian infantry could fire a 
shot. That victory at Eossbach gave to Prussia the 
consciousness of its existence as a nation. 

To his minister Frederic sent word of this begin- 
ning of success ; but far " more was necessary." He 
had but obtained freedom to seek new dangers ; and, 
hastening to re'lieve Schweidnitz, he wrote to a 
friend, " This, for me, has been a year of horror ; to 
save the state, I dare the impossible." But already 
Schweidnitz had surrendered. On the twenty-second 
of November, Prince Bevern was surprised and taken 
prisoner, with a loss of eight thousand men. His 
successor in the command retreated to Glogau. On 
the twenty-fourth, Breslau was basely given up, and 
nearly all its garrison entered the Austrian service. 
Silesia seemed restored to Maria Theresa. "Does 
hope expire," said Frederic, u the strong man must 
stand distinguished." Treachery, the despair of his 
army, midwinter in a severe chme, the repeated disas- 
ters of his generals, could not move him. 

Not till the second day of December did the 
Deo. drooping army from Glogau join the king. Every 
power was exerted to revive their confidence. By 
degrees, they catch something of his cheerful resolute- 
ness ; they share the spirit and the daring of the vic- 
tors of Eossbach ; they burn to efface their own igno- 
miny. Yet the Austrian army of sixty thousand 
men, under Charles of Lorraine and Marshal Daun, 
veteran troops and double in number to the Prus- 


sians, were advancing, as if to crush them and end chap, 
the war. " The Marquis of Brandenburg," said Vol- ^^L 
taire, "will lose his hereditary states, as well as those 1757. 
which he has won by conquest." 

Assembling his principal officers beneath a beech- 
tree, which is still to be seen between Neumarkt and 
Leuthen, Frederic addressed them with a gush of 
eloquence. "While I was restraining the French 
and Imperialists, Charles of Lorraine has succeeded 
in conquering Schweidnitz, repulsing Prince Severn, 
mastering Breslau. A part of Silesia, my capital, my 
stores of war, are lost ; my disasters would be ex- 
treme, had I not a boundless trust in your courage, 
firmness, and love of country. There is not one of 
you, but has distinguished himself by some great and 
honorable deed. The moment for courage has come. 
Listen, then ; I am resolved, against all rules of the 
art of war, to attack the nearly threefold stronger 
army of Charles of Lorraine, wherever I may find it. 
There is no question of the number of the enemy, nor 
of the strength of their position. We must beat 
them, or all of us find our graves before their batte- 
ries. Thus I think, thus I mean to act ; announce 
my decision to all the officers of my army ; prepare 
the privates for the scenes which are at hand; let 
them know I demand unqualified obedience. They 
are Prussians ; they will not show themselves un- 
worthy of the name. Does any one of you fear to 
share all dangers with me, he can this day retire ; I 
never will reproach him." Then, as the enthusiasm 
kindled around him, he added, with a serene smile, 
" I know that not one of you will leave me. I rely 
on your true aid, and am assured of victory. If I 
fall, the country must reward you. Go, tell your 


chap, regiments what you have heard from me." And he 
added, "The regiment of cavalry which shall not 
instantly, at the order, charge, shall be dismounted 
and sent into garrisons ; the battalion of infantry that 
shall but falter shall lose its colors and its swords. 
Now farewell, friends ; soon we shall have vanquished, 
or we shall see each other no more." 

On the morning of December fifth, at half past 
four, the army was in motion, the king in front, the 
troops to warlike strains singing, 

" Grant, Lord, that we may do with might 
That which our hands shall find to do !" 

" With men like these," said Frederic, " God will 
give me the victory." 

The Austrians were animated by no common 
kindling impulse. The Prussians, on that day, moved 
as one being, endowed with intelligence, and swayed 
by one will. Never did the utmost daring so com- 
bine with severe prudence, as in the arrangements of 
Frederic. His eye seized every advantage of place, 
and his manoeuvres were inspired by the state of his 
force and the character of the ground. The hills and 
the valleys, the copses and the fallow land, the mists 
of morning and the clear light of noon, came to meet 
his dispositions, so that nature seemed instinct with 
the resolve to conspire with his genius. Never had 
orders been so executed as his on that day ; and 
never did military genius, in its necessity, so summon 
invention to its rescue from despair. His hne was 
formed to make an acute angle with that of the Aus- 
trians ; as he moved forwards, his left wing was kej3t 
disengaged ; his right came in contact with the ene- 
my's left, outwinged it, and attacked it in front and 




flank ; the bodies which Lorraine sent to its support chap. 
were defeated successively, before they could form, ^^^ 
and were rolled back in confused masses. Lorraine 1757. 
was compelled to change his front for the defence of 
Leuthen ; the victorious Prussian army advanced to 
continue the attack, now employing its left wing also. 
Leuthen was' carried by storm, and the Austrians 
were driven to retreat, losing more than six thou- 
sand in killed and wounded, more than twenty-one 
thousand in prisoners. The battle, which began at 
half past one, was finished at five. It was the master- 
piece of motion and decision, of moral firmness and 
warlike genius ; the greatest military deed, thus far, 
of the century. That victory confirmed existence to 
the country where Kant and Lessing were carrying 
free inquiry to the sources of human knowledge. 
The soldiers knew how the rescue of their nation 
hung on that battle ; and, as a grenadier on the field 
of carnage began to sing, " Thanks be to God," the 
whole army, in the darkness of evening, standing 
amidst thousands of the dead, uplifted the hymn of 

Daun fled into Bohemia, leaving in Breslau a gar- 
rison of twenty thousand men. Frederic pressed 
forward, and astonished Europe by gaining possession 
of that city, reducing Schweidnitz, and recovering all 
Silesia. The Kussian army, which, under Apraxin, 
had won a victory on the northeast, was arrested in 
its movements by intrigues at home. Prussia was 
saved. In this terrible campaign, two hundred and 
sixty thousand men had stood against seven hundred 
thousand, and had not been conquered. 

vol. iv. 25 



chap. The Protestant nations compared Frederic to 


^^L Gustavus Adolphus, as the defender of the Keforma- 
1757. tion and of freedom. With a vigor of hope like his 
own, Pitt, who, eight days before the battle of Koss- 
bach, had authorized Frederic to place Ferdinand of 
Brunswick at the head of the English army on the 
continent, planned the conquest of the colonies of 
France. Consulted through the under secretaries, 
Franklin gave full advice on the conduct of the Amer- 
ican war, criticised the measures proposed by others, 
and recommended and enforced the conquest of 

In the House of Commons, Lord George Sackville, 
a man perplexed in action and without sagacity in 
council, of unsound judgment yet questioning every 
judgment but his own, restless and opinionated, made 
the apology of Loudoun. " Nothing is done, nothing 
attempted^' said Pitt with vehement asperity. " We 
have lost all the waters ; we have not a boat on the 
lakes. Every door is open to France.'' Loudoun 


was recalled, and added one more to the military of- chap. 
fleers, who advised the magisterial exercise of British , — , — 
authority, and voted in parliament to sustain it by i^ 57 - 
fire and sword. 

In 1746 the Duke of Bedford, then at the head of 
the admiralty, after considering "the conduct and 
principles" of the Northern colonies, had declared 
officially that it would be imprudent " to send twenty 
thousand colonists to plunder the Canadians and con- 
quer their country, on account of the independence it 
might create in those provinces, when they should see 
within themselves so great an army possessed of so 
great a country by right of conquest." He had, there- 
fore, advised " to place the chief dependence on the 
fleet from England, and to look on the Americans 
as useful only when joined with others." But Pitt, 
rejecting the coercive policy of his predecessors, 
their instructions for a common fund, and their 
menaces of taxation by parliament, invited the 
New England colonies, and New York, and New 
Jersey, each without limit, to raise as many men as 
possible, believing them " well able to furnish at least 
twenty thousand," for the expedition against Montreal 
and Quebec, while Pennsylvania and the southern 
colonies were to aid in conquering the West. He 
''assumed that England should provide arms, am- 
munition and tents; he "expected and required" 
nothing of the colonists, but " the levying, clothiug, 
and pay of the men ; " and for these expenses he prom- 
ised that the king should " strongly recommend to 
parliament to grant a proper compensation." More- 
over, in December, 1757, he obtained the king's order 
that every provincial officer of no higher rank than 


chap, colonel should have equal command with the British, 
w^^ according to the date of their respective commissions. 
175 8. Pitt was a friend to liberty everywhere, and sought 
new guarantees for freedom in England. It was dur- 
ing the height of his power, that a bill was carried 
through the House of Commons, extending the pro- 
visions for awarding the writ of habeas corpus to all 
cases of commitment ; and when the law lords ob- 
tained its rejection by the peers, he was but the more 
confirmed in his maxim, that " the lawyers are not to 
be regarded in questions of liberty." In a like spirit, 
Pitt now frowned upon every attempt against the 
rights of America. Charles Townshend and others, 
ever disposed to cavil at the promise of recompense, 
as contrary to their plan of taxation by parliament 
and a surrender of authority, were compelled to post- 
pone their complaint, that the Americans, in peace 
the rivals of England, assumed in war to be allies, 
rather than subjects. 

Of the designs, secretly maturing at the Board of 
Trade by Halifax and Bigby, the colonies were unsus- 
picious. The genius of Pitt and his respect for their 
rights, the prospect of conquering Canada and the 
West, and unbounded anticipations of future great- 
ness, roused their most active zeal. In some of them, 
especially in New England, their contributions ex- 
ceeded a just estimate of their ability. The thrifty 
people of Massachusetts disliked a funded debt, and 
avoided it by taxation. In addition to the sums ex- 
pected from England, their tax, in one year of the 
war was, on personal estate, thirteen shillings and 
fourpence on the pound of income, and on two 'hun- 
dred pounds income from real estate was seventy-two 
pounds, besides various excises and a poll tax of nine- 


teen shillings on every male over sixteen. Once, in char 
1759, a colonial stamp-tax was imposed by their legis- v^^ 
lature. The burden cheerfully borne by Connecticut 175 8. 
was similarly heavy. 

The Americans, powerful in themselves, were fur- 
ther strengthened by an unbroken communication 
with England. The unhappy Canadians, who had 
not enjoyed repose enough to fill their garners by cul- 
tivating their lands, were cut off from regular inter- 
course with France. "I shudder," said Montcalm, 
in February, 1758, "when I think of provisions. 
The famine is very great." "For all our suc- 
cess," thus he appealed to the minister, " New 
France needs peace, or sooner or later it must 
fall ; such are the numbers of the English, such the 
difficulty of our receiving supplies." The Canadian 
war-parties were on the alert; in March a body 
of Iroquois and other Indians waylaid a detachment 
of about two hundred rangers in the forests near Fort 
Carillon, as the French called Ticonderoga, and 
brought back one hundred and forty-six scalps, with 
three prisoners, as "living messages." But what 
availed such small successes ? In the general dearth, 
the soldiers could receive but a half-pound of bread 
daily ; the inhabitants of Quebec but two ounces daily. 
"Words could not describe the misery of the people. 
The whole country was almost bare of vegetables, 
poultry, sheep, and cattle. In the want of bread and 
beef and other necessaries, twelve or fifteen hundred 
horses were distributed for food. 'Artisans and day- 
laborers became too weak for toil. 

On the recall of Loudoun, Henry Seymour Con- 
way desired to be employed in America, but was 
refused by the king. Lord George Sackville was 



chap invited to take the command, Ibut declined. Three 
_^_ several expeditions were set in motion, lne cir- 
1758 - cumspect, impenetrable Jeffrey Amherst, a man of 
solid judgment and respectable ability in action, with 
James Wolfe, was to join the fleet under Boscawen, 
for the siege of Louisbnrg ; the conquest of the Ohio 
valley was intrusted to Forbes ; and against Ticon- 
deroga and Crown Point, Abercrombie, a friend 01 
Bute, was commander-in-chief, though Pitt selected 
the young Lord Howe to be the soul of the enterprise. 
None of the officers won favor like Howe and 
"Wolfe. To high rank and great connections Howe 
added manliness, humanity, a capacity to discern 
merit, and judgment to employ it. As he reached 
America, he adopted the austere simplicity befitting 
forest warfare. Wolfe, then thirty-one years old, 
had been eighteen years in the army ; was at 
Dettingen and Fontenoy, and won laurels at Laf- 
feldt. Merit made him at two-and-twenty a lieu- 
tenant-colonel, and his active genius improved- the 
discipline of his battalion. He was at once authorita- 
tive and humane, severe yet indefatigably kind; 
modest, but aspiring and conscious of ability. The 
brave soldier dutifully loved and obeyed his widowed 
mother, and his gentle nature saw visions of happiness 
in scenes of domestic love, even while he kindled at 
the prospect of glory, as " gunpowder at fire." 

On the twenty-eighth day of May, Amherst, after 
a most unusually long passage, reached Halifax. The 
fleet had twenty*two ships of the line and fifteen 
frigates; the army at least ten thousand effective 
men. Isaac Barre, who had lingered a subaltern 
eleven years till Wolfe rescued him from hopeless 


obscurity, was in the expedition as a major of c ^^' 
brigade. - — , — - 

For six days after the British forces, on their way if 58 - 
from Halifax to Louisburg, had entered Chapean 
Rouge Bay, the surf, under a high wind, made the , 
rugged shore inaccessible, and gave the French time 
to strengthen and extend their lines. The sea still 
dashed heavily, when, before daybreak, on the eighth 
of June, the troops, under cover of a random fire from 
the frigates, attempted disembarking. Wolfe, the 
third brigadier, who led the first division, would not 
allow a gun to be fired, cheered the rowers, and, on 
coming to shoal water, jumped into the sea ; and, in 
spite of the surf which broke several boats and upset 
more, in spite of the well-directed fire of the French, 
in spite of their breast-work and rampart of felled 
trees whose interwoven branches made one continued 
wall of green, the English reached the land, took the 
batteries, drove in the French, and on the same day 
invested Louisburg. At that landing, none was more 
gallant than Richard Montgomery ; just one-and- 
twenty ; Irish by birth ; an humble officer in Wolfe's 
brigade ; but also a servant of humanity, enlisted in 
its corps of immortals. The sagacity of his com- 
mander honored him with well deserved praise and 
promotion to a lieutenancy. ■ 

• On the morning of the twelfth, an hour before 
dawn, Wolfe, with light infantry and Highlanders, 
took by surprise the lighthouse battery on the north- 
east side of the entrance to the harbor ; the smaller 
works were successively carried. On the twenty- 
third, the English battery began to play on that of 
the French on the island near the centre of the 
mouth of the harbor. Science, sufficient force, union 


chap, among the officers, heroism pervading mariners and 
w^L. soldiers, carried forward the siege, during which 
175 8. Barre by his conduct secured the approbation of 
Amherst and the friendship of Wolfe. Of the 
. French ships in the port, three were burned on the 
twenty-first of July ; in the night following the 
twenty-fifth, the boats of the squadron, with small 
loss, set fire to the Prudent, a seventy-four, and 
carried off the Bienfaisant. Boscawen was prepared 
to send six English ships into the harbor. But the 
town of Louisburg was already a heap of ruins; 
for eight days, the French officers and men had 
had no safe place for rest; of their fifty-two can- 
non, forty were disabled. They had now but 
five ships of the line and four frigates. It was 
time for the Chevalier de Drucour to capitulate. 
The garrison became prisoners of war, and, with 
the sailors and marines, in all five thousand six 
hundred and thirty-seven, were sent to England. 
On the twenty-seventh of July, the English took 
possession of Louisburg, and, as a consequence, of 
Cape Breton and Prince Edward's Island. Thus fell 
the power of France on our eastern coast. Halifax 
being the English naval station, Louisburg was de- 
serted. The harbor still offers shelter from storms ; 
the coast repels the surge; but only a few 
hovels mark the spot which so much treasure was 
lavished to fortify, so much heroism to conquer. 
"Wolfe, whose heart was in England, bore home 
the love and esteem of the army. The trophies 
were deposited with pomp in the cathedral of St. 
Paul's ; the churches gave, thanks ; Boscawen, him- 
self a member of parliament, was honored by a 
unanimous tribute from the House of Commons. 


New England, too, triumphed ; for the praises chap. 
awarded to Amherst and Wolfe recalled the deeds of — , — * 
her own sons. 175 8. 

On the surrender of Louisburg, the season was too 
far advanced to attempt Quebec. Besides, a sudden 
message drew Amherst to Lake George. 

The summons of Pitt had called into being a 
numerous and well equipped provincial army. Mas- 
sachusetts, which had entered upon its alarm list 
more than forty-five thousand men, of whom more 
than thirty-seven thousand were by law obliged to 
train and in case of an invasion to take the field, had ten 
thousand of its citizens employed in the public ser- 
vice ; but it kept its disbursements for the war under 
the control of its own commissioners. Pownall, its 
governor, complained of the reservation, as an in- 
fringement of the prerogative, predicted confidently 
the nearness of American independence ; and after 
vain appeals to the local legislature, repeated his 
griefs to the Lords of Trade. The Board, in reply, 
advised dissimulation. " The dependence which the 
colony of Massachusetts Bay ought to have upon the 
sovereignty of the crown," thus they wrote Pownall, 
" stands on a very precarious foot ; and unless some 
effectual remedy be applied at a proper # time, it will 
be in great danger of being totally lost." The letter 
was sent without the knowledge of Pitt, who never 
invited a province to the utmost employment of its 
resources with the secret purpose of subverting its 
liberties, as soon as victory over a foreign foe should 
have been achieved with its concurrence. Such 
a policy belonged only to the Board of Trade, where 
Halifax still presided, and Oswald, Soame Jenyns, 
Rigby, and William Gerard Hamilton sat as mem- 


chap. bers. But the proposal of a change in the colonial 
^^ administration, cherished by Halifax from his first 
17 5 8. entrance into office and never abandoned, was reserved 
till the peace should offer the seemingly safe " occa- 
sion " for interposition. 

Meantime nine thousand and twenty-four pro- 
vincials, . from New England, New York, and New 
Jersey, assembled on the shore of Lake George. 
There were the six hundred New England rangers, 
dressed like woodmen ; armed with a firelock and a 
hatchet ; under their right arm a powder-horn ; a 
leather bag" for bullets at their waist ; and to each 
officer a pocket compass as a guide in the forests. 
There was Stark, of New Hampshire, now promoted 
to be a captain. There was the generous, open- 
hearted Israel Putnam, a Connecticut major, leaving 
his good farm round which his own hands had helped 
to build the walls ; of a gentle disposition, brave, and 
artless. There were the chaplains, who preached to 
the regiments of citizen soldiers a renewal of the days 
when Moses with the rod of Grod in his hand sent 
Joshua against Amalek. By the- side of the pro- 
vincials rose the tents of the regular army, six thousand 
three hundred and sixty-seven in number; of the 
whole force Abercrombie was commander-in-chief; 
but the general confidence rested solely on Howe. 

Early in the spring, Bradstreet, of New York, 
had proposed an attempt upon Fort Frontenac; 
Lord Howe overruled objections; and the gallant 
provincial was to undertake it, as soon as the army 
should have established itself on the north side of the 

On the fifth day of July, the armament of more 
than fifteen thousand men, the largest body, of Euro- 


pean origin, that had ever been assembled in Amer- chap. 
ica, struck their tents at daybreak, and in nine s^^L 
hundred small boats and one hundred and thirty-five 175 8. 
whale-boats, with artillery mounted on rafts, embark- 
ed on Lake George ; the fleet, bright with banners, 
and cheered by martial music, moved in procession 
down the beautiful lake, beaming with hope and pride, 
though with no witness but the wilderness. They 
passed over the broader expanse of waters to the first 
narrows ; they came where the mountains, then mantled 
with forests, step down to the water's edge ; and in 
the richest hues of evening light, they halted at Sab- 
bath-day Point. Long afterwards, Stark remembered, 
that on that night Howe, reclining in his tent on a 
bear-skin, and bent on winning a hero's name, ques- 
tioned him closely as to the position of Ticonderoga 
and the fittest mode of conducting the attack. 

On the promontory, where the lake, through an 
outlet or river less than four miles long, falling in that 
distance about one hundred and fifty-seven feet, enters 
Champlain, the French had placed Fort Carillon, 
having that lake on its east, and on the south and 
southwest the bay formed by the junction. On the 
north, wet meadows obstructed access ; so that the 
only approach by land was from the northwest. On 
that side, about a half-mile in front of the fort, Mont- 
calm marked out his lines, which began near the 
meadows and followed the sinuosities of the ground 
till they approached the outlet. This the road from 
Lake George to Ticonderoga crossed twice by bridges, 
between which the path was as a cord to the large 
arc made by the course of the water. Near the bridge 
at the lower falls, less than two miles from the fort, 
'the French had built saw-mills, on ground which 


C xiii P ' °ff ere ^ a strong military position. On the first of July 
<—rs Montcalm sent three regiments to occupy the head 
1758. f ^ e p 0r tage ; but they had been recalled. On the 
morning of the fifth, when a white flag on the moun- 
tains gave warning that the English were embarked, 
a guard of three pickets was stationed at the landing- 
place, and De Trepezee, with three hundred men, was 
sent still further forward, to watch the movements of 
the enemy. 

After a repose of ^ve hours, the English army, an 
hour before midnight, was again in motion, and by nine 
the next morning disembarked on the west side of the 
lake, about a mile above the rapids, in a cove shelter- 
ed by a point which still keeps the name of Lord Howe. 
The three French pickets precipitately retired. 

Immediately on landing, as the enemy had burnt 
the bridges, the army, leaving behind its provisions, 
artillery and all heavy baggage, formed in four col- 
umns, the regulars in the centre and provincials on the 
flanks, and began its march round the bend along the 
west side of the outlet, over ground uneven and 
densely wooded. a If these people," said Montcalm, 
" do but give me time to gain the position I have 
chosen on the heights of Carillon, I shall beat them." 
The columns, led by bewildered guides, broke and 
jostled each other ; they had proceeded about two 
miles, and an advanced party was near Trout Brook, 
when the right centre, where Lord Howe had com- 
mand, suddenly came upon the party of De Trepezee, 
who had lost his way and for twelve hours had been 
wandering in the forest. The worn-out stragglers, 
less than three hundred in number, fought bravely, 
but were soon overwhelmed; some were killed; some 
drowned in the stream ; one hundred and fifty-nine* 


surrendered. But Lord Howe, foremost in the skir- chap. 
mish, was the first to fall, expiring immediately. The — , — - 
grief of his fellow-soldiers and the confusion that fol- its*. 
lowed his death, spoke his eulogy ; Massachusetts soon 
after raised his monument in "Westminster Abbey; 
America long cherished his memory. 

The English passed the following night under 
arms in the forest. On the morning of the seventh, 
Abercrombie had no better plan than to draw back 
to the landing-place. An hour before noon, Brad- 
street, with a strong detachment, rebuilt the bridges, 
and took possession of the ground near the saw-mills ; 
on which the general joined him with the whole army, 
and encamped that night not more than a mile and a 
half from the enemy. 

Early the next day, Abercrombie sent Clerk, the 
chief engineer, across the outlet to reconnoitre the 
French lines, which he reported to be of fiimsy con- 
struction, strong in appearance only. Stark, of New 
Hampshire, as well as some English officers, with a 
keener eye and sounder judgment, saw wejl finished 
preparations of defence. But the general, apprehend- 
ing that Montcalm already commanded six thousand 
men, and that De Levi was hastening to join him with 
three thousand more, gave orders, without waiting for 
cannon to be brought up, to storm the breastworks 
that very day. For that end, a triple line was formed 
out of reach of cannon-shot ; the first consisted, on the 
left, of the rangers ; in the centre, of the boatmen ; on 
the right, of the light infantry ; the second, of pro- 
vincials, with wide openings between their regiments ; 
the third, of the regulars. Troops of Connecticut and 
New Jersey formed a rear guard. During these ar- 
rangements, Sir William Johnson arrived with four 

Vol. iv. 26 ' 


C xni P ' k™dr#cl and forty warriors of the Six Nations, who 
— ^-^ gazed with inactive apathy on the white men that had 
175 8, C ome so far to shed each other's blood. 

On the sixth of July, Montcalm called in all his 
parties, which amounted to no more than two thou- 
sand eight hundred French and four hundred and fifty 
Canadians. That day he employed the second bat- 
talion of Berry in strengthening his post. The next 
day, his whole army toiled incredibly; the officers 
giving the example, and planting the flags on the 
breastwork. In the evening, De Levi returned from 
an intended expedition against the Mohawks, bringing 
with him four hundred chosen men ; and at night, all 
bivouacked along the intrenchment. On the morning 
of the eighth, the drums of the French beat to arms, 
that the troops, now thirty-six hundred and fifty in 
number, might know their stations, and then, without 
pausing to return the fire of musketry from English 
light troops on the declivities of the mountain, they 
resumed their work. The right of their defences rested 
on a hillock, from which the plain between the lines 
and the lake was to have been flanked by four pieces 
of camion ; but the battery could not be finished ; the 
left extended to a scarp surmounted by an abattis. For 
a hundred yards in front of the intermediate breast- 
work, which consisted of piles of logs, the approach 
was obstructed by felled trees with their tranches 
pointing outwards, stumps, and rubbish of all sorts. 

The English army, obeying the orders of a com- 
mander who remained out of sight and far behind 
during the action, rushed forward with fixed bayonets 
to carry the lines, the regulars advancing through the 
openings between the provincial regiments, and tak- 
ing the lead. Montcalm, who stood just within the 


trenches, threw off his coat for the sunny work of the chap 
July afternoon, and forbade a musket to be fired till ^^~ 
he commanded; then, as the English drew very near 175 8. 
in three principal columns to attack simultaneously 
the left, the centre and the right, and became entan- 
gled among the rubbish and broken into disorder by 
clambering over logs and projecting limbs, at his 
word a sudden and incessant fire from swivels and 
small arms mowed down brave officers and men by 
hundreds. Their intrepidity made the carnage terri- 
ble. The attacks were continued all the afternoon, 
generally with the greatest vivacity. When the Eng- 
lish endeavored to turn the left, Bourlamarque op- 
posed them till* he was dangerously wounded; and 
Montcalm, whose rapid eye watched every movement, 
sent reinforcements at the moment of crisis. On the 
right, the grenadiers and Scottish -Highlanders, charged 
for three hours without faltering and without confu- 
sion ; many fell within fifteen steps of the trench ; 
some, it was said, upon it. About five o'clock, the col- 
umns which had attacked the French centre and right, 
concentrated themselves on a salient point between 
the two ; but De Levi flew from the right, and Mont- 
calm himself brought up a reserve. At six, the two 
parties nearest the water turned desperately against 
the centre, and, being repulsed, made a last effort on 
the left. Thus were* life and courage prodigally 
wasted, till the bewildered English fired on an ad- 
vanced party of their own, producing hopeless dejec- 
tion ; and after losing, in killed and wounded, nineteen 
hundred and sixty-seven, chiefly regulars, they fled 

The British general, during the confusion of the 
battle, cowered safely at the saw-mills, and when his 


char presence was needed to rally the fugitives, was no- 
— , — . where to be found. The second in command gave no 
175 8. orders; while Montcalm, careful of every duty, dis- 
tributed refreshments among his exhausted soldiers, 
cheered them by thanks to each regiment for their 
incredible valor, and employed the coming night in 
strengthening his lines. 

The English still exceeded the French fourfold. 
Their artillery was near and could easily force a pas- 
sage. The mountain over against Ticonderoga was in 
their possession. " Had I to besiege Fort Carillon," 
said Montcalm, " I would ask no more than six mor- 
tars and two pieces of artillery." But Abercrombie, 
a victim to the " extremest fright and consternation,'" 
hurried the army that same evening to the landing- 
place with such precipitancy, that but for Bradstreet's 
alertness, it would have rushed into the boats in a 
confused mass. On the morning of the ninth the 
British general embarked, and did not rest till he 
had placed the lake between himself and Montcalm. 
Even then he sent artillery and ammunition to Albany 
for safety. 

The news overwhelmed Pitt with melancholy ; 
but Bute, who insisted that " Abercrombie and the 
troops had done their duty," comforted himself in 
" the numbers lost " as proof of " the greatest intre- 
pidity," thinking it better to have cause for a tears " 
than " blushes ; " and reserved all his sympathy for the 
"broken-hearted commander." Prince George ex- 
pressed his hope one day by "superior help " to "re- 
store the love of virtue and religion." 

While Abercrombie wearied his army with lining 
out a useless fort, the partisans of Montcalm were 
present everywhere. Just after the retreat of the 


English, they fell upon a regiment at the Half-way chap. 
Brook between Fort Edward and Lake George. A _ Y _ 
fortnight later, they seized a convoy of wagoners at 175 8. 
the same place. To intercept the French on their re- 
turn, some hundred rangers scoured the forests near 
Woodcreek, marching in Indian file, Putnam in the 
rear, in front the commander Rogers, who, with a 
British officer, beguiled the way by firing at marks. 
The noise attracted hostile Indians to an ambuscade. 
A skirmish ensued, and Putnam, with twelve or four- 
teen more, was separated from the party. His com- 
rades were scalped ; in after-life he used to relate how 
one of the savages gashed his cheek with a tomahawk, 
bound him to a forest-tree, and kindled about him a 
crackling fire ; how his thoughts glanced aside to the 
wife of his youth and the group of children that gam- 
bol] ed in his fields ; when the brave French officer, 
Marin, happening to descry his danger, rescued him 
from death, to be exchanged in the autumn. 

Better success awaited Bradstreet. From the ma- 
jority in a council of war, he extorted a reluctant 
leave to proceed against Fort Frontenac. At the 
Oneida carrying-place, Brigadier Stanwix placed un- 
der his command twenty-seven hundred men, all 
Americans, more than eleven hundred of them New 
Yorkers, nearly seven hundred from Massachusetts. 
There, too, were assembled one hundred and fifty 
warriors of the Six Nations ; among them Red Head, 
the renowned war-chief of Onondaga. Inspired by his 
eloquence in council, two-and-forty of them took 
Bradstreet for their friend and grasped the hatchet 
as his companions. At Oswego, towards which they 
moved with celerity, there remained scarce a vestige 
of the English fort ; of the French there was no me- 

4 26* 


chap, morial but " a large wooden cross." As the Ameri- 
^^w cans gazed with extreme pleasure on the scene around 
175 8. them, they were told that farther west, in a Genesee 
and Canasadaga, there were lands as fertile, rich and 
luxuriant as any in the universe." Crossing Lake 
Ontario in open boats, they landed, on the twenty- 
fifth of August, within a mile of Fort Frontenac. It 
was a quadrangle, mounted with thirty pieces of 
cannon and sixteen small mortars. On the second 
day, such of the garrison as had not fled surrendered. 
Here, also, were military stores .for Fort Duquesne 
and the interior dependencies, with nine armed ves- 
sels, each carrying from eight to eighteen guns. Of 
these, two were sent to Oswego. After razing the 
fortress, and destroying such vessels and stores as 
could not be brought off, the Americans returned to 
Lake George. 

There the main army was wasting the season in 
supine inactivity. The news of the disastrous day at 
Ticonderoga induced Amherst, without orders, to 
conduct four regiments and a battalion from Louis- 
burg. They landed in September at Boston, and at 
once entered on the march through the greenwood. 
In one of the regiments was Lieutenant Richard 
Montgomery, who remained near the northern lakes 
till 1760. When near Albany, Amherst hastened in 
advance, and on the fifth of October came upon the 
English camp. Early in November, dispatches ar- 
rived, appointing him commander-in-chief. Return- 
ing to England, Abercrombie was screened from 
censure, maligned the Americans, and afterwards 
assisted in parliament to tax the witnesses of his 

Canada was exhausted. " Peace, peace," was the 


cry ; " no matter with what boundaries." " I have not cha t \ 
lost courage," wrote Montcalm, " nor have my troops ; _^ 
we are resolved to find our graves under the ruins of i?5 8. 
the colony." 

Pitt, who had carefully studied the geography of 
North America, knew that the success of Bradstreet 
had gained the dominion of Lake Ontario and opened 
the avenue to Niagara ; and he turned his mind from 
the defeat at Ticonderoga, to see if the banner of 
England was already waving over Fort Duquesne. 
For the conquest of the Ohio valley he relied mainly 
on the central provinces. Loudoun had reported the 
contumacy of Maryland, where the Assembly had 
insisted on an equitable assessment, " as a most violent 
attack on his Majesty's prerogative." "I am per- 
suaded," urged Sharpe on his official correspondent 
in England, " if the parliament of Great Britain was 
to compel us by an act to raise thirty thousand 
pounds a year, the upper class of people among us, 
and, indeed, all but a very few, would be well satis- 
fied." And he sent " a sketch of an act " for " a 
poll-tax on the taxable inhabitants." But that form 
of raising a revenue throughout America, being 
specially unpalatable • to English owners of slaves in 
the West Indies, was disapproved "by all" in 
England. While the officers of Lord Baltimore were 
thus concerting with the Board of Trade a tax by • 
Parliament, William Pitt, though entreated to inter- 
pose, regarded the bickerings between the proprie- 
tary and the people with calm impartiality, blaming 
both parties for the disputes which withheld Mary- 
land from contributing her full share to the conquest 
of Fort Duquesne. 


chap. After long delays, Joseph Forbes, who had the 
^^^ command as brigadier, saw twelve hundred and fifty 
175 8 Highlanders arrive from South Carolina. They were 
joined by three hundred and fifty Royal Americans. 
Pennsylvania, animated by an unusual military spirit 
which seized even Benjamin West, known afterwards 
as a painter, and Anthony Wayne then a boy of 
thirteen, raised for the expedition twenty-seven 
hundred men. Their senior officer was John Arm- 
strong, already famed for his display of courage and 
still at Kittanning. With Washington as their 
leader, Virginia sent two regiments of about nineteen 
hundred, whom their beloved commander praised as 
" really fine corps." Yet, vast as were the prepara- 
tions, Forbes would never, but for Washington, have 
seen the Ohio. 

The Virginia chief who at first was stationed at Fort 
Cumberland, clothed a part of his force in the hunt- 
ing shirt and Indian blanket, which least impeded the 
progress of the soldier through the forest ; and he en- 
treated that the army might advance promptly along 
Braddock's road. But the expedition was not merely 
a military enterprise ; it was also the march of civili- 
zation towards the West, and was made memorable 
by the construction of a better avenue to the Ohio. 
This required long continued labor. September had 
come, before Forbes, whose life was slowly ebbing, 
.♦ was borne in a litter as far as Raystown. " See how 
our time has been misspent," cried Washington, angry 
at delay, and obstinately opposed to the opening the 
new route which Armstrong, of Pennsylvania, as ob- 
stinately advocated. But Forbes preserved a clear 
head and a firm will, or as he himself expressed it, was 
" actuated by the spirits " of William Pitt ; and he 


decided to keep up the direct connection with Phila- chap 
delphia as essential to present success and future >—, — . 
security. 175 8. 

While Washington, with most of the Virginians, 
joined the main army, Bouquet was sent forward 
with two thousand men to Loyal Hanna. There he 
received intelligence that the French post was de- 
fended by but eight hundred men, of whom three 
hundred were Indians. Dazzled by vague hopes of 
glory, Bouquet, without the knowledge of his supe- 
rior officer, entrusted to Major Grant, of Montgomery's 
battalion, a party of eight hundred, chiefly High- 
landers and Virginians, of Washington's command, 
with orders to reconnoitre the enemy's position. The 
men, who were all accustomed to the mountains, 
and of whom the Virginians were clad in the light 
Indian garb, easily scaled the successive ridges, and 
took post on a hill near Fort Duquesne. JSTot 
knowing that Aubry had arrived with a rein- 
forcement of four hundred men from Illinois, Grant 
divided his troops in order to tempt the enemy into 
an ambuscade, and at daybreak of the fourteenth 
of September, discovered himself by beating his 
cfrums. A large body of French and Indians, com- 
manded by the gallant Aubry, immediately poured 
out of the fort, and with surprising celerity attacked 
his troops in detail, never allowing him time to get 
them together. They gave way and ran, leaving two 
hundred and ninety-five killed or prisoners. Even 
Grant, who in the folly of his vanity had but a few 
moments before been confident of an easy victory, 
gave himself up as a captive ; but a small party of 
Virginians, under the command of Thomas Bullitt, 
arrested the precipitate flight, and saved the detach- 


chap, ment from utter ruin. Of these, on their return to 

*, the camp, the coolness and courage were publicly ex- 

1758. tolled by Forbes ; and in the opinion of the whole 
army, regulars as well as provincials, their superiority 
of discipline reflected honor on Washington. 

Not till the fifth of November did Forbes himself 
reach Loyal Hanna ; and there a council of war de- 
termined for that season to advance no further. But, 
on the twelfth, Washington gained from three 
prisoners exact information of the weakness of the 
French garrison on the Ohio, and it was resolved to 
proceed. Two thousand iive hundred men were 
picked for the service. For the sake of speed, they 
left behind every convenience except a blanket and a 
knapsack, and of the artillery took only a light train. 
Washington, who, pleading a " long intimacy with 
these woods " and familiarity " with all the passes and 
difficulties," had solicited the responsibility of leading 
the party, was appointed to command the advance 
brigade, the pioneers of America in its course to the 
West. His party was of provincials, and they toiled 
cheerfully at his side. Forbes, now sinking into the 
grave, had consumed fifty days in marching as many 
miles from Bedford to Loyal Hanna. Fifty miles of 
the wilderness still remained to be opened in the late 
season, through a soil of deep clay, or over rocky 
hills white with snow, by troops poorly fed and poorly 
clad. But Washington infused his own spirit into the 
men whom he commanded, and who thought light of 
hardships and dangers while "under the particular 
directions " of " the man they knew and loved." Every 
encampment was so planned as to hasten the issue. On 
the thirteenth the veteran Armstrong, who had proved 
his superior skill in leading troops rapidly and secretly 


through the wilderness, pushed forward with one chap. 
thousand men, and in days threw up defences w^_ 
within seventeen miles of Fort Duquesne. On the fif- 175 8. 
teenth, "Washington, who followed, was on Chestnut 
Ridge ; on the seventeenth, at Bushy Run. "All," he 
reported, " are in fine spirits and anxious to go on." On 
the nineteenth, Washington left Armstrong to wait 
for the Highlanders, and, taking the lead, dispelled 
by his vigilance every " apprehension of the enemy's 
approach." When on the twenty -fourth, the general 
encamped his whole party among the hills of Turkey 
Creek within ten miles of Port Duquesne, the dis- 
heartened garrison j then about five hundred in num- 
ber, set fire to the fort in the night time, and by the 
light of its flames went down the Ohio. On Satur- 
day, the twenty-fifth of November, the little army 
moved on in one body, and at evening the youthful 
hero could point out to Armstrong and the hardy 
provincials, who marched in front, to the Highlanders 
and Royal Americans, to Forbes himself, the meeting 
of the rivers. Armstrong's own hand raised the Brit- 
ish flag over the ruined bastions of the fortress. As the 
banners of England floated over the waters, the place, 
at the suggestion of Forbes, was with one voice called 
Pittsburg. It is the most enduring monument to Wil- 
liam Pitt. America raised to his name statues that have 
been wrongfully broken, and granite piles, of 'which 
not one stone remains upon another ; but, long as the 
Monongahela and the Alleghany shall flow to form 
the Ohio, long as the English tongue shall be the lan- 
guage of freedom in the boundless valley which their 
waters traverse, his name shall stand inscribed on the 
gateway of the West. 

The twenty-sixth was observed as a day of public 


chap, thanksgiving for success, and when was success of 
— ^ greater importance ? The connection between the sea 
1758 - side and the world beyond the mountains was estab- 
lished for ever ; a vast territory was secured ; the 
civilization of liberty and commerce and religion was 
henceforth "to maintain the undisputed possession 
of the Ohio. 1 ' " These dreary deserts," wrote Forbes, 
" will soon be the richest and most fertile of any pos- 
sessed by the British in North America." 

On the twenty-eighth, a numerous detachnfent 
went to Braddock's field, where their slaughtered 
comrades, after more than three years, lay yet un- 
buried in the forest. Here and there a skeleton was 
found resting on the trunk of a fallen tree, as if a 
wounded man had sunk down in the attempt to fly 
In some places, wolves and crows had left signs of 
their ravages ; in others, the blackness of ashes marked 
the scene of the revelry of cannibals. The trees still 
showed branches rent by cannon ; trunks dotted 
with musket balls. Where the havoc had been the 
fiercest, bones lay whitening in confusion. None 
could be recognised, except that the son of Sir 
Peter Halket was called by the shrill whistle of 
a savage to the great tree near which his father 
and his brother had been seen to fall together; 
and while Benjamin West and a company of Penn- 
sylvanmns formed a circle around, the Indians re- 
moved the thick covering of leaves, till they 
bared the relics of the youth lying across those 
of the older officer. The frames of the two, thus 
united in death, were wrapped in a Highland plaid, 
and consigned to one separate grave, amidst the cere- 
monies that belong to the burial of the brave. The 
bones of the undistinguishable multitude, more than 


four hundred and fifty in number, were indiscrimin- chap. 
ately cast into the ground, no one knowing for whom — ^ 
specially to weep. The chilling gloom of the forest 1 ^ 58 - 
at the coming of winter, the religious awe that mas- 
tered the savages, the grief of the son fainting at the 
fearful recognition of his father, the groups of soldiers 
sorrowing over the ghastly ruins of an army, formed 
a sombre scene of desolation. How is all changed ! 
The banks of the broad and placid Monongahela smile 
with orchards and teeming harvests and gardens; 
with workshops and villas ; the victories of peace have 
effaced the memorials of war ; a railroad that sends 
its cars over the Alleghanies in fewer hours than the 
army had taken weeks for its unresisted march, passes 
through the scene where the carnage was the worst ; 
and in all that region no sounds now prevail but of 
life and activity and joy. 

Two regiments composed of Pennsylvanians, Ma- 
rylanders, and Virginians, remained as a garrison, un- 
der the command of Mercer ; and for Washington, 
who at twenty-six retired from the army after hav- 
ing done so much to advance the limits of his coun- 
try, the next few weeks were filled with happiness 
and honor. The people of Frederictown had chosen 
him their representative. On the last day of the 
year, " the affectionate officers " who had been under 
him expressed, with " sincerity and openness of soul," 
their grief at " the loss of such an excellent command- 
er, such a sincere friend, and so affable a companion," 
" a man so experienced in military affairs, one so re- 
nowned for patriotism, conduct and courage." They 
publicly acknowledged to have found in him a 
leader, who had " a quick discernment and invariable 
regard for merit, an earnestness to inculcate genu- 

Vol. iv. 27 



C xin P ' " le sentl ' men ts of true honor and passion for glory ;" 
whose " example inspired alacrity and cheerfulness 
in encountering severest toils;" whose zeal for "strict 
discipline and order gave to his troops a superiority 
which even the regulars and provincials publicly ac- 
knowledged." On the sixth of the following Jan- 
uary, the woman of his choice was bound with him 
in wedlock. The first month of union was hardly 
over, when, in the House of Burgesses, the speaker, 
obeying the resolve of the House, publicly gave 
him the thanks of Virginia for his services to his 
country ; and as the young man, taken by surprise, 
hesitated for words, in his attempt to reply, — " Sit 
down," interposed the speaker ; "your modesty is equal 
to your valor, and that surpasses the power of any 
language I possess." After these crowded weeks, 
Washington, no more a soldier, retired to Mount Ver- 
non with the experience of five years of assiduous ser- 
vice. Yet not the quiet of rural life by the side of 
the Potomac, not the sweets of conjugal love, could 
turn his fixed mind from the love of glory ; and he 
revealed his passion by adorning his rooms with 
busts of Eugene and Marlborough, of Alexander, of 
Caesar, of Charles the Twelfth; and of one only 
among living men, the king of Prussia, whose 
struggles he watched with painful sympathy. Thus 
Washington had ever before his eyes the image of 
Frederic. Both were eminently founders of nations, 
childless heroes, fathers only to their countries. The 
one beat down the dominion of the aristocracy of the 
Middle Ages by a military monarchy; the Provi- 
dence which rules the world had elected the other to 
guide the fiery coursers of revolution along nobler 
paths, and to check them firmly at the goal 




America more and more drew the attention of chap. 

statesmen ; and Pitt, who was well informed, and, ^^i, 

though at that time inaccessible to Franklin, had, oc- 1759. 
casionally, through his under-secretaries, continued to 
profit by Franklin's wisdom, resolved that the bound- 
less North of that continent should be a conquest 
for his country. With astonishing unanimity, par- 
liament voted for the year twelve millions sterling, 
and such forces, by sea and land, as till those days had 
been unimagined in England. " This is Pitt's doing," 
said Chesterfield, " and it is marvellous in our eyes. 
He declares only what he would have them do, and 
they do it." 

In the arrangements for the campaign, the secre- 
tary disregarded seniority of rank. Stanwix was to 
complete the occupation of the posts at the West from 
Pittsburg to Lake Erie; Prideaux to reduce Fort 
Niagara; and Amherst, now commander-in-chief and 
the sinecure governor of Virginia, to advance with the 
main army to Lake Champlain. To command the 


chap, fleet which was to support the attack on Quebec, 
^^L Pitt selected the generous and kind-hearted Saun- 
as 9 ders, an officer who to unaffected modesty and steady 
courage joined the love of civil freedom. The com- 
mand of the army in the river St. Lawrence was 
conferred on Wolfe, who, like Washington, coold 
have found happiness in retirement. His nature, at 
once affectionate and aspiring, mingled the kindliest 
gentleness with an impetuous courage, which was 
never exhausted or appalled. He loved letters and 
wrote well ; he had studied the science of war pro- 
foundly, joining to experience a creative mind; and 
the vehement passion for immortal glory overcame his 
motives to repose. " I feel called upon," he had once 
written, on occasion of his early promotion, " to 
justify the notice taken of me by such exertions and 
exposure of myself as will probably lead to my fall." 
And the day before departing for his command, in the 
inspiring presence of Pitt, he forgot danger, glory, 
every thing but the overmastering purpose to devote 
himself for his country. 

All the while, ships from every part of the world 
were bringing messages of the success of British 
arms. In the preceding April, a small English squad- 
ron made a conquest of Senegal; in December, ne- 
groes crowded on the heights of the island of Goree 
to gaze on the strange spectacle of war, and to witness 
the surrender of its forts to Commodore Augustus 
Keppel. In the Indian seas, Pococke maintained the 
superiority of England. In the West Indies, in 
January, 1759, a fleet of ten line-of-battle ships, with 
six thousand effective troops, made a fruitless attack 
on Martinico ; but, sailing for Guadaloupe, the best of 
the West India possessions of France, after the losses 


and daring deeds of more than three months, in May, chap. 
it gained, by capitulation, that delightful and well ^^ 
watered island, whose harbor can screen whole navies 1759. 
from hurricanes, whose position gives the command 
of the neighboring seas. 

From the continent of Europe came the joyous 
assurance, that a victory at Minden had protected 
Hanover. The French, having repulsed Prince Ferdi- 
nand of Brunswick at Frankfort, pursued their advan- 
tage, occupied Cassel, compelled Munster to capitulate, 
and took Minden by assault ; so that Hanover could 
be saved only by a victory. Contades and Broglie, 
the French generals, with their superior force, were 
allured from their strong position, and accepted battle 
on narrow and inconvenient ground, on which their 
horse occupied the centre, their foot the wings. The 
French cavalry charged, but, swept by artillery and 
the rolling fire of the English and Hanoverian infan- 
try, they were repulsed. At the moment, Ferdinand, 
whose daring forethought had detached the hereditary 
prince of Brunswick with ten thousand men to cut off 
the retreat, sent a message to the commander of the 
British cavalry, Lord George Sackville, by a German 
aid-de-camp. Lord George affected not to understand. 
Ligonier came next, with express directions that he 
should bring up the cavalry and attack the French, 
who were faltering. " See the contusion he is in," 
cried Sloper to Ligonier; "for God's sake repeat 
your orders." Fitzroy arrived with a third order from 
Ferdinand. " This cannot be so," said Lord George ; 
u would he have me break the line I" Fitzroy urged the 
command. " Do not be in a hurry," said Lord George. 
u I am out of breath with galloping," replied young 


chap. Fitzroy, "which makes me speak quick; but my 
^^L, orders are positive ; the French are in confusion ; here 
1759. is a glorious opportunity for the English to distinguish 
themselves." " It is impossible," repeated Lord George, 
" that the Prince could mean to break the line." " I 
give you his orders," rejoined Fitzroy, "word for 
word." " Who will be the guide to the cavalry ?" 
asked Lord George. " I," said the brave boy, and led 
the way. Lord George, pretending to be puzzled, was 
reminded by Smith, one of his aids, of the necessity 
of immediate obedience ; on which, he sent Smith to 
lead on the British cavalry, while he himself rode to 
the Prince for explanation. Ferdinand, in scorn, re- 
newed his orders to the Marquis of Granby, the second 
in command, and was obeyed with alacrity ; but the 
decisive moment was lost. " Lord George's fall was 
prodigious," said Horace Walpole ; " nobody stood 
higher ; nobody had more ambition or more sense." 
Pitt softened his misfortune with all the offices of 
humanity, but condemned his conduct. George the 
Second dismissed him from all his posts. A court- 
martial, the next year, found him guilty of disobeying 
orders, and unfit for employment in any military 
capacity ; on which, the king struck his name out of 
the council-book and forbade his appearance at court. 
The ability of Sackville had been greatly overrated. 
He was restless, and loved intrigue ; ambitious, opin- 
ionated, and full of envy ; when he spoke, it was arro- 
gantly, as if to set others right ; his nature combined 
haughtiness and meanness of spirit ; without fidelity, 
fixed principles, or logical clearness of mind, unfit to 
conduct armies or affairs, he joined cowardice with 
love of superiority and "malevolence." 1 

1 Lord Mahon's History of Eng- Sackville's courage. See George 
land, iv. 271. George III. doubted III. to Lord North. 


In America success depended on union. The chap. 

. . xiv. 

Board of Trade was compelled to adjourn questions ^<~, 

of internal authority; while Pitt won the free servi- 1759. 
ces of the Americans by respecting their liberties and 
alleviating their excessive burdens from the British 
exchequer. Every colony north of Maryland sec- 
onded his zeal, The military spirit especially per- 
vaded New York and all New England, so that 
there was not one of their villages but grew famil- 
iar with war from the experience of its own people. 
Massachusetts, though - it was gasping under the 
fruitless efforts of former years, sent into the field, 
to the frontier, and to garrisons, more than seven 
thousand men, or nearly one sixth part of all who 
were able to bear arms. Connecticut, which distin- 
guished itself by disproportionate exertions, raised, 
as in the previous year, five thousand men. To 
meet the past expense, the little colony incurred 
heavy debts, and, learning political economy from 
native thrift, appointed taxes on property to discharge 

The whole continent was exerting its utmost 
strength, and eager to prove its loyalty. New Jersey, 
in which the fencible men in time of peace would 
have been about fifteen thousand, had already lost 
one thousand men, and yet voted to raise one thou- 
sand more. 1 Its yearly expenditure for the service of 
the war was equal to about live dollars for each living 
being in the province. Such was the aid willingly 
furnished to an administration which respected 
colonial hberty. 

To encounter the preparations of England and 

1 Gov. Bernard (successor to Belcher) to Secretary W. Pitt, Perth 
Ainboy, 20 March, 1759. 


c ^ p - America, Canada received scanty supplies of provi- 
^— -, — sions from France. " The king," wrote the minister 
1759. ^ Montcalm, " the king relies on your zeal and obsti- 
nacy of courage." But Montcalm informed Belle- 
Isle plainly, that, without unexpected good fortune, 
or great fault in the enemy, Canada must be taken 
this campaign, or certainly the next. Its census 
showed but a population of about eighty-two thou- 
sand, of whom not more than seven thousand men 
could serve as soldiers ; the eight French battalions 
counted but thirty-two hundred ; while the English 
were thought to have almost fifty thousand men in 
arms. There was a continuing scarcity in the land ; 
the fields were hardly cultivated ; the domestic ani- 
mals were failing; the soldiers were unpaid; paper 
money had increased to thirty millions of livres, and 
would that year be increased twelve millions more ; 
while the civil officers were making haste to enrich 
themselves before the surrender, which was to screen 
their frauds. 

The western brigade, commanded by Prideaux, 
composed of two battalions from New York, a bat- 
talion of Boyal Americans, and two British regiments, 
with a detachment of royal artillery, and reinforce- 
ments of Indian auxiliaries under Sir William John- 
son, was the first to engage actively. Fort Niagara 
stood, as its ruins yet stand, on the flat and narrow 
promontory round which the deep and rapid Niagara 
sweeps into the lower lake. There La Salle, first of 
Europeans, had driven a light palisade. There 
Denonville had constructed a fortress and left a gar- 
rison for a winter. It commanded the portage 
between Ontario and Erie, and gave the dominion of 
the western fur-trade. Leaving a detachment with 


Colonel Haldimand to construct a tenable post at the chap. 

• XIV 

mouth of the " wild Oswego," the united American, ^ l_. 
British, and Indian forces embarked, on the first day 1759. 
of July, on Lake Ontario, and landed without oppo- 
sition at one of its inlets, six miles east of the junc- 
tion of the Niagara. The fortress on the peninsula 
was easily invested. 

Aware of the importance of the station, B'Aubry 
collected from Detroit and Erie, Le Bceuf and Ve- 
nango, a little army of twelve hundred men, larger 
than that which defeated Braddock, and marched 
to the rescue. Prideaux made the best dispositions 
to frustrate the design ; but, on the fifteenth of July, 
he was killed by the bursting of a cohorn, leaving 
his honors immature. Sir William Johnson, who 
succeeded to the command, commemorated his rare 
abilities and zeal, and carefully executed his plans. 
He posted the British army on the left, above the 
fort, so as to intercept the approach of the enemy 
and to support the guard in the trenches. On the 
morning of the twenty-fourth of July, the French 
made their appearance. The Mohawks gave a sign 
for a parley with the French Indians ; but, as it was 
not returned, they raised the war-whoop. While the 
regulars advanced to meet the French in front, the 
English Indians gained their flanks and threw them 
into disorder ; on which, the English rushed to the 
charge with irresistible fury. The French broke, 
retreated, and were pursued. The carnage contin- 
ued till fatigue stayed its hand. The bodies of the 
dead lay uncounted among the forests. On the next 
day, the garrison, consisting of about six hundred 
men, capitulated. Thus did New York extend its 
limits to the Niagara River and Lake Erie. The 


chap, victory, was so decisive, that the officer and troops 
^^ sent by Stanwix from Pittsburg took possession of 
1759. the French posts as far as Erie without resistance. 

The success of the English on Lake Ontario diew 
De Levi, the second in military command in New 
France, from before Quebec. He ascended beyond 
the rapids, and endeavored to guard against a 
descent to Montreal by occupying the passes of the 
river near Ogdensburg. The number of men at his 
disposal was too few to accomplish the object; and 
Amherst directed Gage, whom he detached as succes- 
sor to Prideaux, to take possession of the post. But 
Gage made excuses for neglecting the orders, and 
whiled away his harvest-time of honor. 

Meantime, the commander-in-chief assembled the 
main army at Lake George. The tranquil temper 
of Amherst was never ruffled by collisions with the 
Americans ; his displeasure, when excited, was con- 
cealed under apparent apathy or impenetrable self- 
command. His judgment was slow, but safe ; his 
mind solid, but never inventive. Taciturn, and stoic- 
al, he displayed respectable abilities as a command- 
er, without fertility of resources, or daring enter- 
prise. In five British regiments, with the Royal 
Americans, he had fifty-seven hundred and forty- 
three regulars; of provincials and Gage's light in- 
fantry he had nearly as many more. On the long- 
est day in June, he reached the lake, and, with 
useless precaution, traced out the ground for a fort. 
On the twenty-first of July, the invincible flotilla 
moved in four columns down the water, with artil- 
lery, and more than eleven thousand men. On the 
twenty-second, the army disembarked on the eastern 


shore, nearly opposite the landing-place of Abercrom- chap. 
bie ; and that night, after a skirmish of the advanced ^^L 
guard, they lay under arms at the saw-mills. The 1769. 
next day, the French army under Bourlamarque, leav- 
ing a garrison of but four hundred in Fort Carillon, 
deserted their lines, of which possession was imme- 
diately taken. 

Conscious of their inability to resist the British 
artillery and army, the French, on the twenty-sixth, 
abandoned Ticonderoga, and, five days afterwards, 
retreated from Crown Point to intrench themselves 
on Isle-aux-Noix. The whole mass of the people of 
Canada had been called to arms ; the noblesse piqued 
themselves much on the antiquity of their families, 
their own military glory and that of their ancestors ;* 
nor had the world known greater courage and loy- 
alty than they displayed. So general had been the 
levy, that there were not men enough left to reap the 
fields round Montreal; and, to prevent starvation, 
women, old men, and children were ordered to gather 
in the harvest alike for rich and poor. Yet, as the 
chief force was with Montcalm near Quebec, as the 
Indians no longer thronged to the camp of the French, 
the army that opposed Amherst had but one-fourth of 
his numbers, and could not be recruited. An imme- 
diate descent on Montreal was universally expected. 
In a fortnight, Crown Point was occupied, without 
opposition. Amherst must advance, or Wolfe may 
perish. But, after repairing Ticonderoga, he wasted 
labor in building fortifications at Crown Point, which 
the conquest of Canada would render useless. Thus 
he let all August, all September, and ten days of Oc- 

1 Murray to Shelburne, 30 August, 1766. 


chap, tober go by, before boats were ready ; and when at 
v _ v _J^ last be embarked, and victory, not without honor, 
1759. might still have been within his grasp, he received 
messengers from Quebec, and turned back, having 
done nothing but occupy and repair deserted forts. 
Sending a detachment against the St. Francis Indians, 
he himself went into winter-quarters, leaving his un- 
finished work for another costly campaign. Amherst 
was a brave and faithful officer, but his intellect was 
dull. He gained a great name, because New France 
was occupied during his chief command; but, had 
Wolfe resembled him, Quebec would not have fallen. 

June. As soon as the floating masses of ice permitted, 

the forces for the expedition against Quebec had 
repaired to Louisburg; and already Wolfe, by his 
activity and zeal, his good judgment and the clearness 
of his orders, inspired unbounded confidence. His 
army consisted of eight regiments, two battalions of 
Royal Americans, three companies of rangers, artil- 
lery, and a brigade of engineers, — in all, about eight 
thousand men ; the fleet under Saunders had two-and- 
twenty ships of the line, and as many frigates and 
armed vessels. On board of one of the ships was 
Jervis, afterwards Earl St. Vincent ; another, which 
followed, bore as master James Cook, the navigator, 
who was destined to explore and reveal the unknown 
paths and thousand isles of the Pacific. The brigades 
had for their commanders the brave, open-hearted, 
and liberal Robert Monckton, afterwards governor of 
New York and conqueror of Martinico ; George Town- 
shend, elder brother of Charles Townshend, soon to 
succeed his father in the peerage, and become known 
as a legislator for America, a man of quick perception, 


but unsafe judgment ; and the rash and inconsider- chap. 
ate James Murray. For his adjutant-general, Wolfe _^ 
selected Isaac Barre, an old associate at Louisburg ; 1750. 
an Irishman of humble birth, eloquent, ambitious, and 
fearless.. The grenadiers of the army were formed 
into a corps, commanded by Colonel Guy Carleton ; a 
detachment of light infantry were to receive orders 
from Lieutenant-Colonel, afterwards Sir William, 

On the twenty-sixth of June, the whole arma- 
ment arrived, without the least accident, off the Isle 
of Orleans, on which, the next day, they disembarked. 
A little south of west the cliff of Quebec was seen 
distinctly, seemingly impregnable, rising precipi- 
tously in the midst of one of the grandest scenes in 
nature. To protect this guardian citadel of New 
France, Montcalm had of regular troops no more than 
six wasted battalions; of Indian warriors few ap- 
peared, the wary savages preferring the security of 
neutrals ; the Canadian militia gave him the supe- 
riority in numbers; but he put his chief confidence 
in the natural strength of the country. Above Que- 
bec, the high promontory on which the upper town is 
built expands into an elevated plain, having towards 
the river the steepest acclivities. For nine miles or 
more above the city, as far as Cape Eouge, every 
landing-place was intrenched and protected. The 
river St. Charles, after meandering through a fertile 
valley, sweeps the rocky base of the town, which it 
covers by expanding into sedgy marshes. Nine miles 
below Quebec, the impetuous Montmorenci, after fret- 
ting itself a whirlpool route, and leaping for miles 
down the steps of a rocky bed, rushes with velocity 

vol. iv. 28 


chap, towards the ledge, over which, falling two hundred 

_,_ and fifty feet, it pours its fleecy cataract into the chasm. 

175 9 As Wolfe disembarked on the Isle of Orleans, 

what scene could be more imposing ? On his left lay 
at anchor the fleet with the numerous transports ; the 
tents of his army stretched across the island ; the in 
trenched troops of France, having their centre at the 
village of Beauport, extended from the Montmorenci 
to the St. Charles ; the city of Quebec, garrisoned by 
Hve battalions, bounded the horizon. At midnight, 
on the twenty-eighth, the short darkness was lighted 
up by a fleet of fire-ships, that, after a furious storm 
of wind, came down with the tide in the proper di- 
rection. But the British sailors grappled with them 
and towed them free of the shipping. 

The river was Wolfe's; the men-of-war made it 
so ; and, being master of the deep water, he also had 
the superiority on the south shore of the St. Law- 
rence. In the night of the twenty-ninth, Monckton, 
with four battalions, having crossed the south chan- 
nel, occupied Point Levi ; and. where the mighty cur- 
rent, which below the town expands as a bay, nar- 
rows to a deep stream of but a mile in width, 
batteries of mortar and cannon were constructed. 

My. The citizens of Quebec, foreseeing the ruin of their 
houses, volunteered to pass over the river and destroy 
the works ; but, at the trial, their courage failed 
them, and they retreated. The English, by the dis- 
charge of red-hot balls and shells, set on fire fifty 
houses in a night, demolished the lower town, and 
injured the upper. But the citadel was beyond their 
reach, and every avenue from the river to the cliff 
was too strongly intrenched for an assault. 

As yet no real progress had been made. Wolfe 


was eager for battle ; being willing to risk all his chap. 
hopes on the issue. He saw that the eastern bank of w^_> 
the Montmorenci was higher than the ground occu- 175 9. 
pied by Montcalm, and, on the ninth of July, he 
crossed the north channel and encamped there ; but 
the armies and their chiefs were still divided by the 
river precipitating itself down its rocky way in im- 
passable eddies and rapids. Three miles in the 
interior, a ford was found ; but the opposite bank 
was steep, woody, and well intrenched. Not a spot 
on the line of the Montmorenci for miles into the 
interior, nor on the St. Lawrence to Quebec, was left 
unprotected by the vigilance of the inaccessible 

The general proceeded to reconnoitre the shore 
above the town. In concert with Saunders, on the 
eighteenth of July, he sailed along the well defended 
bank from Montmorenci to the St. Charles ; he 
passed the deep and spacious harbor, which, at four 
hundred miles from the sea, can shelter a hundred 
ships of the line ; he neared the high cliff of Cape 
Diamond, towering like a bastion over the waters, 
and surmounted by the banner of the Bourbons ; he 
coasted along the craggy wall of rock that extends 
beyond the citadel ; he marked the outline of the 
precipitous hill that forms the north bank of the 
river, — and every where he beheld a natural fastness, 
vigilantly defended, intrenchments, cannon, boats, 
and floating batteries guarding every access. Had 
a detachment landed between the city and Cape 
Rouge, it would have encountered the danger of 
being cut off before it could receive support. He 
would have risked a landing at St. Michael's Cove, 
three miles above the city, but the enemy prevented 


chap. Mm by planting artillery and a mortar to play upon 

^^L, the snipping. 

1759. Meantime, at midnight, on the twenty-eighth of 
y ' July, the French sent down a raft of fire-stages, con- 
sisting of nearly a hundred pieces ; but these, like the 
fire-ships a month before, did but light up the river, 
without injuring the British fleet. Scarcely a day 
passed but there were sldrniishes of the English 
with the Indians and Canadians, who were sure to 
tread stealthily in the footsteps of every exploring 

Wolfe returned to Montmorenci. July was almost 
gone, and he had made no effective advances. He 
resolved on an engagement. The Montmorenci, after 
falling over a perpendicular rock, flows for three hun- 
dred yards, amidst clouds of spray and rainbow 
glories, in a gentle stream to the St. Lawrence. 
Near the junction, the river may, for a few hours of 
the tide, be passed on foot. It was planned that 
two brigades should ford the Montmorenci at the 
proper time of the tide, while Monckton's regiments 
should cross the St. Lawrence in boats from Point 
Levi. The signal was made, but some of the boats 
grounded on a ledge of rocks that runs out into 
the river. While the seamen weft getting them off, 
and the enemy were firing a vast number of shot and 
shells, Wolfe, with some of the navy officers as com- 
panions, selected a landing-place; and his desperate 
courage thought it not yet too late to begin the 
attack. Thirteen companies of grenadiers, and two 
hundred of the second battalion of the Koyal Ameri- 
cans, who got first on shore, not waiting for support, 
ran hastily towards the intrenchments, and were 
repulsed in such disorder that they could not again 


come Into line ; though Monckton's regiments had chap. 
arrived, and had formed with the coolness of invinci- w^L 
"ble valor. But hours hurried by; night was near ; 1759. 
the clouds of midsummer gathered heavily, as if for a 
storm ; the tide rose ; and Wolfe, wiser than Frederic 
at Colin, ordered a timely retreat. A strand of deep 
mud, a hill-side, steep, and in many places impracti- 
cable, the heavy fire of a brave, numerous, and well 
protected enemy, were obstacles which intrepidity 
and discipline could not overcome. In general or- 
ders, Wolfe censured the impetuosity of the grena- 
diers ; he praised the coolness of Monckton's regi- 
ments, as able alone to beat back the whole Canadian 

This severe check, in which four hundred lives 
were lost, happened on the last day of July. Murray 
was next sent, with twelve hundred men, above the Aug. 
town, to destroy the French ships and open a com- 
munication with Amherst. Twice he attempted a 
landing on the north shore, without success ; at 
Deschambault, a place of refuge for women and 
children, he won advantages over a guard of invalid 
soldiers ; and learned that Niagara had surrendered ; 
that the French had abandoned Ticonderoga and 
Crown Point. The eyes of Wolfe were strained to 
see Amherst approach. Vain hope ! The com- 
mander-in-chief, though opposed by no more than 
three thousand men, was loitering at Crown Point, 
nor did even a messenger from him arrive. Wolfe 
was alone to struggle with difficulties which every 
hour made more appalling. The numerous body of 
armed men under Montcalm " could not," he said, 
b be called an army;" but the French had the 


chap, strongest country, perhaps, in the world, on which 
^^L to rest the defence of the town. Their "boats were 
175 9 numerous, and weak points were guarded by floating 
batteries. The keen eye of the Indian prevented 
surprise. The vigilance and hardihood of the Cana- 
dians made intrenchments every where necessary. 
The peasantry were zealous to defend their' homes, 
language, and religion. Old men of seventy and 
boys of fifteen fired at the English detachments from 
the edges of the wood. Every one able to bear arms 
was in the field. Little quarter was given on either 
side. Thus for two months the British fleet had 
ridden idly at anchor ; the army had lain in their 
tents. The feeble frame of "Wolfe sunk under the 
energy of his restless spirit, and the pain of anxious 

Yet, while disabled by fever, he laid before the 
brigadiers three several and equally desperate meth- 
ods of attacking Montcalm in his intrenchments at 
Beauport. Meeting at Monckton's quarters, they 
wisely and unanimously gave their opinions against 
them all, and advised to convey four or five thou- 
sand men above the town, and thus draw Montcalm 
from his impregnable situation to an open action. 
Wolfe acquiesced in their proposal, and, with despair 
in his heart, yet as one conscious that he lived under 
the eye of Pitt and of his country, he prepared to carry 
it into effect. Attended by the Admiral, he examined 
once more the citadel, with a view to a general assault. 
Although every one of the five passages from the 
lower to the upper town was carefully intrenched, 
Saunders was willing to join in any hazard for the 
public service ; " but I could not propose to him," 
said Wolfe, " an undertaking of so dangerous a nature 


and promising so little success." He had the whole chap. 
force of Canada to oppose, and, by the nature of the ^^^ 
river, the fleet could render no assistance. " In this 1759. 
situation," wrote Wolfe to Pitt, on the second of Sep- ep * 
tember, " there is such a choice of difficulties, that I 
am myself at a loss how to determine. The affairs of 
Great Britain require most vigorous measures; but 
then the courage of a handful of brave men should 
be exerted only where there is some hope." England 
read the dispatch with dismay, and feared to hear 
further tidings. 

Securing the posts on the Isle of Orleans and 
opposite Quebec, he marched, with the army, on the 
fifth and sixth of September, from Point Levi, to 
which place he had transferred all the troops from \ 
Montmorenci, and embarked them in transports that 
had passed the town for the purpose. On the three 
following days, Admiral Holmes, with the ships, 
ascended the river to amuse Bougainville, who had 
been sent up the north shore to watch the move- 
ments of the British army, and prevent a landing. 
New France began to feel a sentiment of joy, believ- 
ing the worst dangers of the campaign over. De 
Levi, the second officer in command, was sent to pro- 
tect Montreal with a detachment, it was said, of three 
thousand men. Summer, which in that climate hur- 
ries through the sky, was over ; and the British fleet 
must soon withdraw from the river. " My constitu- 
tion," wrote the General to Holdernesse on the ninth, 
just four days before his death, " is entirely ruined, 
without the consolation of having done any consider- 
able service to the state, and without any prospect 
of it." 


But, in the mean time, Wolfe applied himself in- 
tently to reconnoitring the north sh'ore above Quebec. 
Nature had given him good eyes, as well as a warmth 
of temper to follow first impressions. 1 He himself 
discovered the cove which now bears his name, 
where the bending promontories almost form a 
basin with a very narrow margin, over which the hill 
rises precipitously. He saw the path that wound up 
the steep, though so narrow that two men could hard- 
ly march in it abreast ; 2 and he knew, by the num- 
ber of tents which he counted on the summit, that the 
Canadian post which guarded it could not exceed a 
hundred. Here he resolved to land his army by 
surprise. To mislead the enemy, his troops were kept 
far above the town, while Saunders, as if an attack 
was intended at Beauport, set Cook, the great mari- 
ner, with others, to sound the water and plant buoys 
along that shore. 

The day and night of the twelfth were employed 
in preparations. The autumn evening was bright ; and 
the General, under the clear starlight, visited his sta- 
tions, to make his final inspection, and utter his last 
words of encouragement. As he passed from ship to 
ship, he spoke to those in the boat with him of the 
poet Gray, and the Elegy in a Country Churchyard. 
" I," said he, " would prefer being the author of that 
poem to the glory of beating the French to-morrow ;" 3 
and while the oars struck the river as it rippled in 

1 Wolfe to Win. Rickson, 1 Dec, bee ; to whose personal kindness I 

1758. am indebted for explanations given 

* Vice Admiral Saunders to me on the battle ground itself. 
Secretary Pitt, 20 Sept., 1759. The Picture of Quebec, published 

* I owe my knowledge of this by Hawkins, in 1834, is indebted to 
incident to J. 0. Fisher, of Que- him for its historical value. 


the silence of the night air under the flowing tide, he chap 
repeated : -— r— ' 

" The boast of heraldry, the pomp of power, Sept. 

And all that beauty, all that wealth e'er gave, 
Await alike the inexorable hour ; 

The paths of glory lead but to the grave. 1 ' 

Every officer knew his appointed duty, when, at 
one o'clock in the morning of the thirteenth of Sep- 
tember, Wolfe, with Monckton and Murray, and 
about half the forces, set off in boats, and, without 
sail or oars, glided down with the tide. In three 
quarters of an hour the ships followed, and, though 
the night had become dark, aided by the rapid cur- 
rent, they reached the cove just in time to cover the 
landing. Wolfe and the troops with him leaped on 
shore ; the light infantry, who found themselves 
borne by the current a little below the intrenched 
path, clambered up the steep hill, staying themselves 
by the roots and boughs of the maple and spruce and 
ash trees that covered the precipitous declivity, and, 
after a little firing, dispersed the picket which 
guarded the height. The rest ascended safely by the 
pathway. A battery of four guns on the left was 
abandoned to Colonel Howe. When Townshend's 
division disembarked, the English had already gained 
one of the roads to Quebec, and, advancing in front of 
the forest, Wolfe stood at daybreak with his invinci- 
ble battalions on the plains of Abraham, the battle- 
field of empire. 

v It can be but a small party, come to burn a few 
houses and retire," said Montcalm, in amazement 
as the news reached him in his intrenchments the 
other side of the St. Charles ; but, obtaining better 


chap, information,—" Then," he cried, " they have at last 
got to the weak side of this miserable garrison ; we 
must give battle and crush them before mid-day." 
And before ten the two armies, equal in numbers, 
each being composed of less than five thousand men, 
were ranged in presence of one another for battle. 
The English, not easily accessible from intervening 
shallow ravines and rail fences, were all regulars, per- 
fect in discipline, terrible in their fearless enthusiasm, 
thrilling with pride at their morning's success, com- 
manded by a man whom they obeyed with confidence 
and love. The doomed and devoted Montcalm had 
what Wolfe had called but " five weak French bat- 
talions," of less than two thousand men, "mingled 
with disorderly peasantry," * formed on ground which 
commanded the position of the English. The French 
had three little pieces of artillery ; the English one or 
two. The two armies cannonaded each other for 
nearly an hour; when Montcalm, having summoned 
Bougainville to his aid, and dispatched messenger 
after messenger for De Vaudreuil, who had fifteen 
hundred men at the camp, to come up, before he 
should be driven from the ground, endeavored to 
flank the British and crowd them down the high 
bank of the river] Wolfe counteracted the move- 

1 Three several French accounts followed in the New Picture of 

represent Montcalm's forces in the Quebec, 345, makes the number of 

battle as only equal, or even in- Canadian militia in the battle 5,000. 

ferior, to the British. Jugement But Bougainville had 2,000 up the 

Impartial sur les Operations Mili- river; 1,500 remained at the camp 

taires de la Campagne en Canada with Vaudreuil ; De Levi had also 

en 1759, 5, printed at Quebec in been sent with a detachment to as- 

1840. Compare also, in the New sist in opposing Amherst. There 

York Paris Papers, Extrait d'un were not Indians enough with the 

Journal, tenu a l'Armte, &c, and French to be of moment. In the 

the letter of Bigot to the Minister, summer of 1837, I examined the 

of October 25, 1759. Knox, in country round Quebec. 
Journal, i., 74, which seems to be 


ment by detaching Townshend with Amherst's regi- chap. 
inent, and afterwards a part of the royal Americans, ^^^ 
who formed on the left with a double front. 1759. 

Waiting no longer for more troops, Montcalm led ep ' 
the French army impetuously to the attack. The 
ill-disciplined companies broke by their precipitation 
and the unevenness of the ground ; and -fired by 
platoons, without unity. The English, especially 
the forty-third and forty-seventh, where Monckton 
stood, received the shock with calmness; and after 
having, at Wolfe's command, reserved their fire till 
their enemy was within forty yards, their line began 
a regular, rapid, and exact discharge of musketry. 
Montcalm was present every where, braving danger, 
wounded, but cheering by his example. The second 
in command, De Sennezergues, an associate in glory 
at Ticonderoga, was killed. The brave but untried 
Canadians, flinching from a hot fire in the open field, 
began to waver ; and, so soon as Wolfe, placing him- 
self at the head of the twenty-eighth and the Louis- 
burg grenadiers, charged with bayonets, they every 
where gave way. Of the English officers, Carleton 
was wounded ; Barre, who fought near Wolfe, receiv- 
ed in the head a ball which destroyed the power of 
vision of one eye, and ultimately made him blind. 
Wolfe, also, as he led the charge, was wounded in 
the wrist, but still pressing forward, he received a 
second ball ; and, having decided the day, was struck 
a third time, and mortally, in the breast. " Support 
me," he cried to an officer near him : " let not my 
brave fellows see me drop." He was carried to the 
rear, and they brought him water to quench his 
thirst, "They run, they run," spoke the officer on 
whom he leaned. " Who run V asked Wolfe, as his 


chap, life was fast ebbing. " The French ," replied the offi- 

XIV . * 

^^L, cer, " give way every where." " What," cried the 
l T 5 9. expiring hero, " do they run already ? Go, one of 
ep ' you, to Colonel Burton ; bid him march Webb's regi- 
ment with all speed to Charles Biver to cut off the 
fugitives." Four days before, he had looked forward 
to early death with dismay. " Now, God be praised, 
I die happy." These were his words as his spirit 
escaped in the blaze of his glory. Night, silence, the 
rushing tide, veteran discipline, the sure inspiration of 
genius, had been his allies; his battle-field, high 
over the ocean-river, was the grandest theatre on 
earth for illustrious deeds; his victory, one of the 
most momentous in the annals of mankind, gave to 
the English tongue and the institutions of the Ger- 
manic race the unexplored and seemingly infinite 
West and North. He crowded into a few hours 
actions that would have given lustre to length of 
life ; and filling his day with greatness, completed it 
before its noon. 

Monckton, the first brigadier, after greatly distin- 
guishing himself, was shot through the lungs. The 
next in command, Townshend, brave, but deficient in 
sagacity and attractive power and the delicate per- 
ception of right, recalled the troops from the pursuit ; 
and when De Bougainville appeared in view, declined 
a contest with a fresh enemy. But already the hope 
of New France was gone. Born and educated 
in camps, Montcalm had been carefully instructed, 
and was skilled in the language of Homer as 
well as in the art of war. Greatly laborious, just, 
disinterested, hopeful even to rashness, sagacious in 
council, swift in action, his mind was a well-spring 
of bold designs; his career in Canada a wonderful 


struggle against inexorable destiny. Sustaining hun- chap. 
ger and cold, vigils and incessant toil, anxious for his ^^L, 
soldiers, unmindful of himself, he set, even to the J 759. 
forest-trained red men, an example of self-denial and ep * 
endurance ; and in the midst of corruption made the 
public good his aim. Struck by a musket-ball, as he 
fought opposite Monckton, he continued in the engage- 
ment, till, in attempting to rally a body of fugitive 
Canadians in a copse near St. John's gate, 1 he was 
mortally wounded. 

On hearing from the surgeon that ieath was 
certain, — " I am glad of it," he cried ; ' how long 
shall I survive?" "Ten or twelve hours, perhaps 
less." " So much the better ; I shall not live to see 
the surrender of Quebec." * To the council of war 
he showed that in twelve hours all the troops near 
at hand might be concentrated and renew the attack 
before the English were intrenched. When De Earn- 
say, who commanded the garrison, asked his advice 
about defending the city, — "To your keeping," he 
replied, "I commend the honor of France. As 
for me, I shall pass the night with God, and prepare 
myself for death." Having written a letter recom- 
mending the French prisoners to the generosity of the 
English, his last hours were given to the hope of end- 
less life, and at five the next morning he expired. 

The day of the battle had not passed, when De 
Vaudreuil, who had no capacity for war, wrote to 
De Ramsay at Quebec not to wait for an assault, 
but, as soon as his provisions were exhausted to raise 
the white flag of surrender. 3 " We have cheerfully 

1 Bigot to the minister, 25 Octo- a Vaudreuil to De Ramsay, 13 
ber, 1759, N. Y. Paris Documents, Sept., 1759, N. Y Paris Docu- 
xvi. 39. ments, xvi. 27. 

vol. iv. 29 




chap, sacrificed our fortunes and our houses," said the citi- 


^^L zens ; " but we cannot expose our wives and children 
1759. to a massacre." 1 At a council of war, Fiedmont, a 
captain of artillery, was the only one who wished to 
hold out 2 to the last extremity ; and, . on the seven- 
teenth of September, before the English had con- 
structed batteries, De Eamsay capitulated. 

America rung with exultation; the towns were 
bright with illuminations, the hills with bonfires ; 
legislatures, the pulpit, the press, echoed the general 
joy ; provinces and families gave thanks to God. 
England, too, which had shared the despondency of 
Wolfe, triumphed at his victory and wept for his 
death. Joy, grief, curiosity, amazement, were on eve- 
ry countenance. 3 When the parliament assembled, 
Pitt modestly and gracefully put aside the praises 
that were showered on him. u The more a man is 
versed in business," said he, " the more he finds the 
hand of Providence every where." "I will own I 
have a zeal to serve my country beyond what the 
weakness of my frail body admits of;" 4 and he fore- 
told new successes at sea. November fulfilled his 
predictioms. In that month, Sir Edward Hawke 
attacked the fleet of Constans off the northern coast 
of France ; and, though it retired to the shelter of 
shoals and rocks, he gained the battle during a storm 
at night-fall. 

1 Relation du Siege de Quebec. s Walpole'sMemoires of the Reign 

2 Proces Verbal du Conseil de of Geo. II. 
Guerre, 15 September, 1759, N. Y. 4 Report of the speech by Jared 
Paris Documents, xvi. 28, and oth- Ingersoll of Connecticut, in a letter 
er papers on the subject in the same dated 22 December, 1759. 

175 9. 



1759— 1760. 

The capitulation of Quebec was received by c ^ p 
Townshend, as though the achievement had been his 
own ; and his narrative of the battle left out the 
name of Wolfe, whom he indirectly censured. He 
had himself come over for a single summer's cam- 
paign, to be afterwards gloried about and rewarded. 1 
As he hurried from the citadel, which he believed 
untenable, back to the secure gayeties of London, 
Charles Paxton, an American by birth, one of the 
revenue officers of Boston, ever on the ale*rt to pro- 
pitiate members of government and men of influence 
with ministers, purchased 2 his future favor, which 
might bring with it that of his younger brother, by 
lending him money that was never to be repaid. 

Such was the usage of those days. Officers of the 
customs gave as their excuse for habitually permit- 
ting evasions of the laws of trade, that it was their 

1 Barrington's Barrington. 2 J. Adams : Diary, 220. 


chap, only mode of getting rich; for they were "quartered 
_^ upon" by their English patrons for more than the 
1759. amount of all their honest perquisites. 1 Townshend 
returned home, to advocate governing America by 
concentrating power in England ; and like Braddock, 
Sharpe, Shirley, Abercrombie, Loudoun, Amherst, 
Gage, and so many more of his profession, to look 
upon taxation of the colonies by the metropolis as 
the exercise of a necessary duty. 

In Georgia, Ellis, the aMe governor, who had great 
influence in the public offices, was studying how the 
colonies could be administered by the central authority. 
In South Carolina Lyttleton persuaded himself that 
he had restored the royal sway. Yet the fruits of his 
administration were distrust and discontent. The 
arbitrary manner in which he had suspended a coun- 
cillor, had even made it a matter of pride with the 
planters of Carolina not to accept appointments to the 
royal council; 2 and their confiding loyalty was re- 
quited by contemptuous insolence, more difficult to 
be endured than oppression. 

While victory protected the northern frontiers of 
America, the South would have enjoyed unbroken 
repose but for the pride of Lyttleton, who at once 
contended with South Carolina, " to regain the pow- 
ers of government which his predecessors," as he said, 
"had unfaithfully given away," 3 and awakened an 
Indian war by his zeal for reducing the native moun- 
taineers to his own criminal code. He could not dis- 

1 See their own statement to 8 Lieut. Got. Bull to Secretary 
Hutchinson, in the Hutchinson of State. 

Correspondence. 8 Chalmers's History of the Re- 

volt of the Colonies, ii. 794. 


cern in the red man's morals the eternal principles chap. 
which inspire all jnstice ; and as he brought the max- v_^L> 
ims of civilized society into conflict with the unwritten 1759. 
law of the Cherokees, the European rule proved the 
most treacherous and cruel. 

The Cherokees had ever been in friendship with 
the English, as Virginia had acknowledged in 1755 
by a deputation with a present. In 1757, their war- 
riors had volunteered to protect the American fron- 
tier south of the Potomac ; yet, after they had won 
trophies of honor in the general service, they were 
disregarded by the State, and would have been left 
to return without reward, or even supplies of food, 
but for the generosity of "Washington and his 
officers. 1 

The parties, which, in the following year, joined 
the expedition to the Ohio, were neglected, so that 
their hearts told them to return to their cherished 
highlands. 2 In July, 1758, the backwoodsmen of 
Virginia, finding that their half-starved allies took 
what they needed on their way home, seized their 
arms, and, in three skirmishes, several of the "be- 
loved men" of the Cherokees were slain and scalped. 8 

The wailing of the women for their deceased rela- 
tives, at the dawn of each day and at the gray of the 
evening, provoked the nation to retaliate. "The 
blood of your beloved kinsmen calls for revenge," 
cried the Muskohgees ; and the chiefs of the Chero- 
kees sent out their young men to take what they 
deemed such just and equal vengeance as became 
good warriors. 4 The upland settlements of North 

1 Washington's Writings, ii. 10, 3 Hewat's History of South Ca- 
114, 147, 260, 261, 269, 270. rolina, ii. 214. 

2 Adair's History of the Ameri- 4 Adair, 247. 
can Indians. 

29 * 


chap. Carolina ceased to be safe ; of the garrison at Telli- 

v _ v _ quo, two soldiers fell victims. 

1759. In November, 1758, Tiftoe and five otter chieftains 
came down from their mountains to Charleston to 
reconcile differences and treat of an amnesty. 1 The 
old covenant between them and the English, of which 
one of the clauses stipulated that murderers should 
be given up, was revived ; they accepted presents to 
cover up their losses, and gave pledges of inviolable 
peace. Before the return of the delegates of the 
remote upper towns, 2 warriors of Settico on the Ten- 
nessee and of Telliquo had been out 8 on the Yadkin 
and the Catawba, beyond the jurisdiction of South 
Carolina; but the Cherokee chiefs themselves inter- 
posed to recall them, and soothed their anger. It 
now seemed to them, that aggression and equal re- 
venge had reciprocally done their work, and that 
harmony was restored. 

Not so reasoned Lyttleton, who could not hear the 
voice of humanity as it spoke from the mountain 
glades. The legislators of Carolina, who understood 
the jurisprudence of forest life, meeting at Charleston 
in March, 1759, refused to consider hostilities with the 
Cherokees as existing,' or to be apprehended ; but 
Lyttleton set aside their decision as an invasion of the 
prerogative, which alone could treat of peace or war, 
and give directions for training and employing the 

Having inflamed the colonists by asserting autho- 

1 Speech of Gov. Lyttleton to 2 Letter from Old Hop and the 

Oconostata, on council records, of Little Carpenter. 
22 Oct., 1759. Chalmers's History 3 Lyttleton's Talk to the Chero- 

of the Revolt, ii. 793. kee Chief, 22 May, 1759. 


rity so exclusive, he next made a demand on the Head- chap. 
men and Warriors of the towns on the branches of the v-^L 
Tennessee, to " give him satisfaction for the past," * "by 1759. 
which," as he explained, was " meant that a certain . 
number of Cherokees guilty of the murders, should 
be delivered up or be put to death in their na- 
tion." 2 " This would only make bad worse," answered 
the Red Men; "the Great Warrior will never con- 
sent to it ;" at the same time they entreated peace. 8 
" We live at present in great harmony," wrote Demere 
from Fort Loudoun ; " and there are no bad talks." 4 

Tranquillity and confidence were returning, but in 
obedience to orders, 5 Demere insisted on the surren- 
der or execution of the offending chiefs of Settico and 
Telliquo, while Coytmore, at Fort Prince' George, in- 
tercepted all ammunition and merchandise on their 
way to the Upper Nation. Consternation spread 
along the mountain sides ; the hand of the young men 
grasped at the tomahawk ; the warriors spoke much 
together concerning Settico and Telliquo, 6 and hos- 
tile speeches went round. Still they dispatched to 
Charleston a letter with friendly strings of wampum ; 
while the Middle and the Lower Settlements, which 
had taken no part in the expedition complained of, 
sent also their belts of white shells. 7 

But Lyttleton, dreading some concert of the 
Cherokees with the Creeks, rigorously enforced the 

1 Lyttleton's Letter to the em- 6 Instructions to Capt. Deiner& 
peror Old Hop and the Little Car- and to Lieut. Coytmore, 22 May, 
penter, 22 May. 1759. 1759. Lyttleton to Lords of Trade, 

2 Governor Lyttleton to Lords of 16 Oct., 1759. 

Trade, 22 October, 1759. 6 Capt. Paul Demere to Gov. 

8 Old Hop and Little Carpenter Lyttleton, 22 July, 1759. 

to Gov. Lyttleton, 27 June, 1759. r Gov. Lyttleton to Lords of 

4 Capt. Paul Demere to Lyttle- Trade, 1 Sept., 1759. 
ton, 10 July, 1759. 



chap, interruption of trade as a chastisement ; and haughtily 
^^ added, "if you desire peace with us, and will send 
1759. deputies to me as the mouth of your nation, I promise 
you, you shall come and return in safety." 

The Indians had become dependent on civiliza- 
tion; and to withhold supplies, was not only like a 
general embargo, but also like disarming a nation. 
The English, said they, would leave us defenceless, 
that they may utterly destroy us. Jealousy spread 
from wigwam to wigwam ; belts circulated more and 
more among the villages. They feared the worst, 1 
and narrowly watched the roads, that no white man 
might pass. " Y^e have nothing to do," said some 
among them; wild with rage, " but to kill the white 
people here, and carry their scalps to the French, 
who will supply us with plenty of ammunition and 
every thing else." 2 The nation was, however, far 
from being united against the English; a large 
number of towns were even ready, if they had 
been encouraged, to fight on their side; 3 but the 
general distrust announced the approach of war. 4 

Lyttleton, hurried on by zeal to display authority, 
and eager to gain the glory of conducting an unusual 
expedition against the Cherokees, instantly gave 
orders to the colonels of three regiments of militia 
nearest the frontier to fire an alarm and assemble their 
corps ; called out all the regulars and provincials in 

1 Captain Paul Demere to Gov. * Ibid. 
Lyttleton, 13 September, 1759. "I 3 Adair, 248, 249. 
can assure you, that the Indians 4 Captain Stuart to Governor 

over here were peaceable until Lyttleton, 26 September, 1759. 

they heard the ammunition was Lieutenant Coytmore to Lyttleton, 

stopt, and then they grew very 26 September, 1759. 


Charleston ; asked aid of the governors of Georgia chap, 
and North Carolina ; invited Virginia to send rein- ^^ 
forcements and supplies to Fort Loudoun by the road 1759. 
from that province ; sought the active alliance of the 
Chickasaws as ancient enemies to the French ; * of the 
Catawbas, the Tuscaroras, and even the Creeks, whose 
hostility he pretended to have feared ; 3 and then con- 
vening the legislature, on the fifth of October sent a 
message to the Assembly for supplies. Aware of his 
intentions to make a declaration of war, they address- 
ed him against so precipitate a measure, " unanimously 
desiring him to defer it." He readily consented, 3 
promising that " he would do nothing to prevent an 
accommodation," on which the Assembly made grants 
of money and provided for calling fifteen hundred 
men into service, if necessary. The perfidious gov- 
ernor reproved them for the scantiness of the supply ; 
and breaking his promise, not yet a day old, he added 
that " he should persevere in his intended measures." 4 
On the twelfth of October, he ordered the alarm 
to be fired in all parts of the province, where it had 
not been before ; and " one half of the militia was 
draughted to be in readiness to repel any invasion, or 
suppress any insurrection that might happen during 
his absence." 

But hardly had the word been spoken when, on 
the seventeenth of October, a great deputation from 
the Upper and Lower Towns, Oconostata the great 
wamor himself, with ' thirty other of the most hon- 

1 J. Buckells to J. Courtonne, 8 " I consented to do so." Lyttle- 

Journal of a Chickasaw Trader, ton's own account. 
May, 1759. 4 See the Legislative Documents, 

a Governor Lyttleton to the and Lyttleton's own account to 

Lords of Trade, 16 October. 1759. Lords of Trade, 18 October, 1759. 


chap, ored men, relying on their safe conduct from the gov- 
s^^L, ernor, arrived in Charleston to deplore all deeds of 
1759. violence, and to say that their nation truly loved 
peace. Bull, the discreet lieutenant governor, urged 
the wisdom of making an agreement, before more 
blood should be spilt. 1 The Cherokees were unequiv- 
ocally sincere ; and many of their towns were thor- 
oughly devoted to the English. 2 

" I am come," said Oconostata in council on the 
eighteenth, " to hearken to what you have to say, and 
to deliver words of friendship." But Lyttleton would 
not speak to them, saying : " I did not invite you to 
come down ; I only permitted you to do so ; there- 
fore, you are to expect no talk from me, till I hear 
what you have to say." 8 

The next day, the proud Oconostata condescended 
to recount what had been ill done ; explained its caus- 
es ; declared that the great civil chief of the Chero- 
kees loved and respected the English ; and making an 
offering of deer-skins, and pleading for a renewal of 
trade, he added for himself: " I love the white people ; 
they and the Indians shall not hurt one another; I 
reckon myself as one with you." 4 

Tiftoe of Keowee complained of Coytmore, the 
officer in command at Fort Prince George, as intem- 
perate and licentious. The former commander had 
been more acceptable to them. But still he would 
hold the English fast by the hand. — The head warrior 
of Estatoe would have " the trade go on, and no 
more blood spilt." — Killianaca, the Black Dog of 

1 Hewat's S. Carolina, ii. 217. 4 Minutes of Council, Friday, 

3 Adair's History, 248, 249. 19 October, 1759. 

3 Minutes of Council, Thursday, 
18 October, 1759. 



Hiwassie, was able to say that no English blood had chap. 
ever been spilled by the young men of his village ; ^v^ 
and he gave assurances of peace from all the towns in 1 7 5 9 • 
his region. 

But the governor, by a precipitate exercise of the 
prerogative, had, against the wish of the province, call- 
ed out the militia, and invited the governors of Geor- 
gia, North Carolina, and Virginia, the warriors of the 
Catawbas, Chickasaws, Creeks, Tuscaroras, and other 
friendly Indians, to join his expedition ; and therefore, 
in spite of the opposition of four of his council, 1 he 
went on. " I am now going with a great many of my 
warriors to your nation," said he finally to the depu- 
ties, " in order to demand satisfaction of them. If 
you will not give it, when I come to your nation, I 
shall take it." 

Oconostata, and those with him, claimed for them- 
selves the benefit of the safe conduct under which 
they had come down. And Lyttleton spoke, conceal- 
ing his purpose under words more false than the 
wiles of the savage : " You, Oconostata, and all with 
you, shall return in safety to your own country ; and 
it is not my intention to hurt a hair of your head. 
There is but one way by which I can insure your 
safety ; you shall go with my warriors, and they shall 
protect you." 2 

On Friday, the twenty-seventh, Lyttleton, with 
the Cherokee envoys, left Charleston to repair to 
Congaree, the gathering place for the militia of Ca- 

rer of S. C. House of As- 3 Minutes of Council held 22 
6embly, to Mr. Wright, their Agent, October, 1759. 
Charleston, 10. November 1759, 



C xv P * ronVQa Thither came Christopher Gadsden, 1 born in 
i — , — . 1724, long the colonial representative of Charleston, 
1759. dear to his constituents; at whose instance and under 
whose command an artillery company had just been 
formed, in a province which till then had not had a 
mounted field-piece. There, too, was the heroic Fran- 
cis Marion, 2 as yet an untried soldier, just six-and- 
twenty, the youngest of five sons of an impoverished 
planter, reserved and silent, small in stature, and of a 
slender frame, so temperate that he drank only water, 
elastic, persevering, and of sincerest purity of soul. 8 
Yet the state of the troops, both as to equipments 
and temper, was such as might have been expected 
from the suddenness of their summons to take the 
field against the judgment of their legislature. It 
was still hoped that there would be no occasion to 
make use of them. 4 Before leaving Congaree, Oco- 
nostata and his associates, though their persons were 
sacred by the laws of savage and of civilized man, 
were arrested ; and on arriving at Fort Prince George, 
they were crowded into a hut hardly large enough 
for six of them. 

To Attal^ulla-kulla, the Little Carpenter, a feeble 
old man, who in 1730 had been in England, but now 
had little influence with the tribe^ Lyttleton, on the 
eighteenth day of December, 1759, pronounced a very 
long speech, rehearsing the conditions of their treaty. 
" There are twenty-four men of your nation," said he, 
" whom I demand to be delivered up to me, to be put 
to death, or otherwise disposed of, as I shall think fit. 

1 Kamsay's History of South 8 H. Lee's Southern Campaign, 
Carolina, ii. 458. 432. 

2 Simms's Life of Marion, 33, 46. 4 Speaker of the House of As- 
I have not seen James's Life of sembly to Mr. Wright the Agent, 
Marion. Weems's Marion, 22. 27 Oct. 1759. 


Your people have killed that number of ours, and chap. 

more, and therefore that is the least I will accept of. , ^ 

I shall give you till to-morrow morning to consider of 1759. 
it, and then I shall expect your answer." 1 " I have 
ever been the firm friend of the English," answered 
the chief ; " I will ever continue so ; but for giving up 
the men, we have no authority one over another." 

Yet after the governor had exchanged Oconostata 
and one or two more for other Indians, he sent again 
to Attakulla-kulla, and on the twenty-sixth of Decem- 
ber got the signature of six Cherokees to a treaty of 
peace, which seemed to sanction the governor's retain- 
ing the imprisoned envoys as hostages, till four-and- 
twenty men should be delivered up to undergo pun- 
ishment for the murders. It was further covenanted 
that the French should not be- received in their towns, 
and that the English traders should be safe. 

This treaty was not made by chiefs duly author- 
ized, nor ratified in council ; nor could Indian usage 
give effect to its conditions. Hostages are unknown 
in the forest, where prisoners are slaves. No one was 
deceived. 2 Lyttleton, in fact, had only with profligate 
falsehood violated the word he had plighted, and re- 
tained in prison the ambassadors of peace, true friends 
to the English, " the beloved men " of the Cherokees, 
who had come to him under his own safe conduct. 
And yet he gloried in having obtained concessions 
such as savage man had never before granted ; and, 
returning to Charleston, he took to himself the honor 
of a triumphant entry. 

The Cherokees longed to secure peace; but the 

1 The speeches are in Hewat, 8 Ellis, Governor of Georgia, to 
ii. 219. the Lords of Trade, 15 Feb. 1760. 

VOL. iv. 30 


chap, young braves, whose names were already honor- 
Z^> e ^ m tne glades of Tennessee, could not be sur- 
1760. rendered to death or servitude; and Oconostata re- 
solved to rescue the hostages. The commandant at 
Fort Prince George was allured to a dark thicket by 
the river side, and was shot by Indians in an ambush. 
The garrison had reason to be incensed ; but in theii 
anger, they butchered every one of their unfortunate 
prisoners, and to conceal the atrocity of their crime, in- 
vented foolish falsehoods of a plan that their hostages 
had formed to poison the wells of the garrison. 1 

At the news of the massacre, the villages of which 
there was scarce one that did not wail for a chief, 
quivered with anger, like a chafed rattlesnake in the 
heats of midsummer. The "spirits," said they, "of 
our murdered brothers are flying around us, scream- 
ing for vengeance." The mountains echoed the war- 
song; and the braves dashed upon the frontiers for 
scalps, even to the skirts of Ninety-Six. In then- 
attack on that fort, several of them fell. " We fatten 
our dogs with their carcasses," wrote Francis to Lyt- 
tleton ; " and display their scalps, neatly ornamented, 
on the tops of our bastions." 2 Yet Fort Loudoun, on 
the Tennessee, was exposed to the savages, beyond 
the reach of succor. 3 From Louisiana 4 the Cherokees 
obtained military stores; and, extending their alli- 
ance, they exchanged with the restless Muskohgees 
the swans 7 wings painted with red and black, and 
crimsoned tomahawks, that were the emblems of 

war. 4 

1 Ensign Miln to Gov. Lyttle- s J. Francis to Gov. Lyttleton, 
ton, 24 February, 1760. Adair, 6 March, 1760. Drayton's South 
250. Lyttleton to Lords of Trade, Carolina, 246. 
8 March, 1760. 3 Adair's History, 254. 

4 Annual Eegister, iii. 61. 


Carolina was now in conflict with the moun- chap. 


taineers. Yet, at the meeting of the legislature in ^^Ls 
February, 1760, the delegates, still more alarmed at 1760. 
the unwarrantable interference of Lyttleton with the 
usages of colonial liberty, first of all -vindicated "their 
birthrights as British subjects," and resisted "the 
violation of undoubted privileges." But no governor 
was more esteemed by the Lords of Trade ; they 
never could find words strong enough to express their 
approbation of his whole conduct. His zeal for the 
prerogative, and his powerful connections in England 
gained him advancement ; and he was not only trans- 
ferred from South Carolina to the more lucrative 
government of Jamaica, but directed to return home 
to receive his instructions, a direction which implied 
a wish on the part of the Board of Trade to consult 
him on questions of colonial administration. 1 

In April, General Amherst, whose thoughts were 
all intent upon Canada, detached from the central 
army that had conquered Ohio six hundred High- 
landers and six hundred Royal Americans under 
Colonel Montgomery, afterwards Lord Eglinton, and 
Major Grant, to strike a sudden blow at the Chero- 
kees and return. At Ninety-Six, near the end of 
May, they joined seven hundred Carolina rangers, 
among whom Moultrie, and, as some think, Marion, 
served as officers. 

On the first day of June, the little army, after a 
march of eighteen miles from Beaver Dams, crossed 
Twelve-mile River ; and leaving their tents standing 

1 See Lord Lyttelton to his bro- same to same, 4 Dec. 1759. Ibid, 
ther, Gov. Lyttleton, 30 January, 622. 
1758, in Phillimore, ii. 601; and 


chap, on advantageous ground, at eight in the evening they 
^ Y ^ / moved onward through the woods to surprise Esta« 
1760. toe, which was twenty-five miles distant. The bay- 
ing of a watch-dog alarmed the village of Little 
Keowee, when the English rushed upon its people 
and killed nearly all except women and children. 

Early in the morning, they arrived at Esfcatoe, 
which its inhabitants had but just abandoned, leaving 
their mats still warm. The vale of Keowee 1 is famed 
for its beauty and fertility, extending for seven or 
eight miles, till a high, narrow ridge of hills comes 
down on each side to the river. Below the ridge it 
opens again for ten or twelve miles more. This 
lovely region was the delight of the Cherokees ; the 
sides of the adjacent hills bore their habitations, and 
on the rich level ground beneath stood their fields of 
maize, all clambered over by the prolific bean. The 
mountain-sides blushed with flowers in their season, 
and resounded with the melody of birds. The river 
now flowed in gentle meanders, now with arrowy 
swiftness, between banks where the strawberry mixed 
its crimson with the rich verdure, or beat against the 
hills that rose boldly in cones upon the border of the 
interval, and were the abutments of loftier mountains. 
Every village of the Cherokees within this beautiful 
country, Estatoe, Qualatchee, and Conasatchee, with 
its stockaded town-house, was first plundered and 
then destroyed by fire. 2 The Indians were plainly 
observed on the tops of the mountains, gazing at the 
flames. For years, the half-charred rafters of their 
houses might be seen on the desolate hill-sides. a I 
could not help pitying them a little," writes Grant ; 

1 Bartram's Travels, 354, 331. 

2 Virginia Gazette, 496, 2, 1, 11 July, 1760. 


M their villages were agreeably situated ; their houses chap. 
neatly built ; there were every where astonishing _^L, 
magazines of corn, which were all consumed." The 1760. 
surprise was in every town almost equal, for the 
whole was the work of a few hours ; the Indians had 
no time to save even what they valued most ; but left 
for the pillagers money and watches, wampum and 
skins. From sixty to eighty C.herokees were killed ; 
forty, chiefly women and children, were made prison- 
ers. Those who escaped could live only on horse- 
flesh and wild roots, 1 or must fly over the mountains. 

Eesting at Fort Prince George, Montgomery sent 
Tiftoe and the Old Warrior of Estatoe through the 
Upper and Middle Town, to summon their head men 
to treat of peace, or all the towns in the Upper 
Nation should be reduced to ashes. 2 But the chiefs 
of the Cherokees gave ng heed to the peremptory 
message ; and the British army prepared to pass the 
barriers of the Alleghany. 

From the valley of Keowee, Montgomery, on the 
twenty-fourth day of June, 1760, began his march, 
and at night encamped at the old town of Oconnee. 
The next day he passed from the vale of the Seneca 
Biver over the Oconnee Mountain, and encamped at 
the War-Woman's Creek. On the twenty-sixth, he 
crossed the Blue Mountains from the head spring of 
the Savannah to the vale of the Little Tennessee, and 
made his encampment at the deserted town of Stecoe. 
The Boyal Scots and Highlanders trod the rugged 
defiles, which were as dangerous as men had ever 
penetrated, with fearless alacrity, and seemed re- 
freshed by coming into the presence of mountains. 

1 Timberlake on the Cherokees. 8 Virginia Gazette, 496, 2, 1. 



chap. On the morning of the twenty-seventh, the whole 
^^ party began their march early, having a distance of 
1760. eighteen miles to travel to the town of Etchowee, the 
nearest of the middle settlements of the Cherokees. 
"Let Montgomery be wary," wrote Washington; 
"he has a subtle enemy, that may give him most 
trouble when he least expects it." The army passed 
down the valley of the Little Tennessee, along the 
mountain stream which, taking its rise in Rabun 
County in Georgia, flows through Macon County in 
North Carolina. Not far from Franklin, their path 
lay along the muddy river with its steep clay banks, 
through a plain covered with the dense thicket, over- 
looked on one side by a high mountain, and on the 
other by hilly, uneven ground. 1 At this narrow pass, 
which was then called Crow's Creek, the Cherokees 
emerged from an ambush. 2 Morrison, a gallant 
officer, was killed at the head of the advanced party. 
But the Highlanders and provincials drove the 
enemy from their lurking-places ; and returning to 
their yells three huzzas and three waves of their 
bonnets and hats, they chased them from height and 
hollow. At the ford, the army passed the river; 
and, protected by it on their right, and by a flanking- 
party on the left, treading a path sometimes so nar- 
row that they were obliged to march in Indian file, 
fired upon from the rear, and twice from the front, 
they were not collected at Etchowee till midnight, 
and after a loss of twenty men, besides seventy-six 
wounded. 8 

For one day, and one day only, Montgomery 

1 Gentleman's Magazine, xxx. s Virginia Gazette, 501, 2, 1. 15 
442. * Aug., 1760. 

8 Adair's History, 252. 


rested in the heart of the Alleghanies. 1 If he had chap. 

• XV 

advanced to relieve the siege of Fort Loudoun, he ^^j 
must have abandoned his wounded men and his 1760. 
baggage. On the following night, deceiving the 
Cherokees by kindling lights at Etchowee, the army 
retreated, and, marching twenty-five miles, they never 
halted till they came to War- Woman's Creek in the 
valley of the Savannah. On the thirtieth, they crossed 
the Oconnee Mountain ; and on the first day of July, 
reached Fort Prince George. 

The retreat of Montgomery was the knell of the 
famished Fort Loudoun. By the unanimous resolve 
of the officers, James Stuart, afterwards Indian agent 
for the Southern division, repaired to Chotee, and 
agreed on terms of capitulation, 2 which neither party 
observed ; and, on the morning of the eighth of 
August, Oconostata himself received the surrender of 
the fort, and sent its garrison of two hundred on 
their way to Carolina. The next day, at Telliquo, 
the fugitives were surrounded; Demere and three 
other officers, with twenty-three privates, were killed. 
The Cherokee warriors were very exact in that num- 
ber, as being the amount of hostages who had been 
retained by Lyttleton 8 in the previous December. 
The rest were brought back and distributed among 
the tribes. 4 Their English prisoners, including cap- 
tives carried from the back settlements of North 
and South Carolina, were thought to have amounted 
to near three hundred souls. 5 

: Lieut. Gov. Bull to Montgom- 3 Lieut. Gov. Bull to the Lords 
ery, 12 July, 1760. Same to Lords of Trade, 9 September, 1760. 
of Trade, 20 July, 1760. 4 Lieut. Gov. Fauquier to Lords 

2 In Lords of Trade, of Nov. 11, of Trade, 17 Sept., 1760. 
1760 5 Lieut. Gov. Bull to Lords of 

Trade, 21 Oct, 1760. 


chap. But friendship lives in the heart of the savage, 
v _ y _, Listen to the tale of a red man's fidelity. Attakulla- 
1760. kulla, hearing that Stuart, his friend, was a prisoner, 
* hastened to ransom him, by giving every thing he 
could command ; and when Oconostata, in a great 
council at Chotee, would have compelled the assist- 
ance of the English agent in the proposed siege of 
Fort Prince George, the Little Carpenter took him 
away as if to hunt for venison, and struck through 
the wilderness for Virginia. Mne days and 'nights 
they travelled, with such game as they killed for 
their food, with the light in the sky for their guide, 
through gaps rarely trodden, even by wild beasts, — 
for the beasts of the forest pick their paths; — on 
the tenth day, they met a detachment of Virginians 
on Holston River. 1 

The country beyond the mountains was deserted ; 
nor was Carolina safe. But Montgomery, by his 
expedition had only inflamed the war, 2 and, having 
obeyed the letter of his instructions by reaching the 
country of the Cherokees, 3 he prepared to embark pre- 
cipitately for the North. The province was in the 
greatest consternation. On the eleventh of July, the 
General Assembly represented their inability to 
" prevent the Cherokees from ravaging the back set- 
tlements ;" and " unanimously entreated" the lieuten- 
ant governor " to use the most pressing instances with 
Colonel Montgomery not to depart with the king's 
troops, as it might be attended with the most per- 
nicious consequences." But Montgomery, thougli 

1 Major Lewis to the Honorable 8 Bull to Lords of Trade, July, 

Col. Byrd, of Virginia, without 1760. 

date, but probably near the 8th of 3 Col. Montgomery to Lieut. 

September, in Lords of Trade, of Governor Bull, July, 1760. 
11 Nov., 1760. 


warned, that he was but giving the Cherokees occa- chap. 
sion to boast throughout the wilderness in their own ^^ 
towns, and among the Choctaws, the Ckickasaws, and 17 60. 
the Creeks, of their having obliged the English army 
to retreat, not from their mountains only but from 
the province, shunned the path of duty, and leaving 
four companies of Royal Scots, sailed for Halifax by 
way of New York ; for, wrote he, " I cannot help the 
people's fears." And afterwards, in his place in the 
House of Commons, he acted as one who thought the 
Americans factious in peace and feeble in war. 

Ellis, the governor of Georgia, wiser than Lyttle- 
ton, had been less peremptory with the Creeks, and 
had been able to secure their good will. 1 

1 Ellis to Lords of Trade, 20 Oct., 1700, 




chap. Had Amherst been more active, the preceding 
^^ campaign would have reduced Canada. His delay 
1760. and retreat to Crown Point gave De Levi, Montcalm's 
successor, a last opportunity of concentrating the re- 
maining forces of France at Jacques Cartier for the 
recovery of Quebec. In that city Saunders had left 
abundant stores and heavy artillery, with a garrison 
of seven thousand men, under the command of the 
brave but shallow Murray. When De Levi found it 
impossible to surprise the place in mid- winter, he still 
resolved on undertaking its reduction. George Towns- 
hend, now in England, publicly rejected the opinion, 
" that it was able to hold out a considerable siege ;" 
and Murray, the commander, himself prepared for 
" the last extremity," by selecting the Isle of Orleans 
for his refuge. 

As soon as the river opened, De Levi proceeded 
with an army of less than ten thousand * men to be- 

1 Murray in Ms official account ter comes down to " 10,000 men 
writes 15,000, and in the same let- and 500 barbarians." 


siege Quebec. On the twenty-eighth of April, the chap. 
vainglorious governor, marching out from the city, ^^L, 
left the advantageous ground which he first occupied, 1760. 
and incautiously hazarded an attack near Sillery 
Wood. The advance-guard, under De Bourlamarque, 
met the shock with firmness, and returned the attack 
with ardor. In danger of being surrounded, Murray 
was obliged to fly, leaving " his very fine train of 
artillery," and losing a thousand men. The French 
appear to have lost about three hundred, 1 though 
Murray's report increased it more than eight-fold. 
During the two next days, De Levi opened trenches 
against the town ; but the frost delayed the works. 
The English garrison, reduced by death during the 
winter, sickness, and the unfortunate battle, to twenty- 
two hundred effective men, exerted themselves with 
alacrity. The women, and even the cripples, were set 
to light work. In the French army not a word would 
be listened to of the possibility of failure. But Pitt's 
sagacity had foreseen and prepared for all. A fleet at 
his bidding was on its way to relieve the city ; and to 
his wife, the sister of Lord Temple and George Gren- 
ville, he was able to write in June, — " Join, my love, 
with me, in most humble and grateful thanks to the 
Almighty. The siege of Quebec was raised on the 
seventeenth of May, with every happy circumstance. 
The enemy left their camp standing, abandoned forty 
pieces of cannon. Swanton arrived there in the Van- 
guard on the fifteenth, and destroyed all the French 
shipping, six or seven in number. Happy, happy 
day ! My joy and hurry are inexpressible." 2 

1 Mante, 281. The loss of the 183. L'on perdit dans le choc en- 
French was " not so considerable " viron 300 hommes. 
as that of the English. Memoires, s Pitt to Lady Hester, 27 June. 


chap. Amherst had been notified of the intended siege ; 
v^^^ but he persevered in the systematic and tardy plan 
1760 which he had formed. When the spring opened, 
he had no difficulties to encounter in taking possession 
of Canada, but such as he himself should create. A 
country suffering from a four years' scarcity, a dis- 
heartened, starving peasantry, the feeble remains of 
five or six battalions, wasted by incredible services, 
and not recruited from France, offered no opposition. 
The party which was conducted from Crown Point 
towards Montreal, by Colonel Haviland, found the fort 
on Isle-aux-Noix deserted. Amherst himself led the 
main army of ten thousand men by way of Oswego ; 
it is not easy to say why ; for the labor of getting 
there was greater than that of proceeding directly 
upon Montreal. After toiling to Oswego, he descend- 
ed the St. Lawrence cautiously, taking possession of 
the feeble works at Ogdensburg; treating the help- 
less Canadians with humanity, and with no loss of 
lives except in passing the rapids, on the seventh of 
September he met before Montreal the army under 
Murray, who, as he came up from Quebec, had in- 
timidated the people and amused himself by now and 
then burning a village and hanging a Canadian. The 
next day, Haviland arrived with forces from Crown 
Point. Thus the three armies came together in over- 
whelming strength to take an open town of a few 
hundred inhabitants, which Vaudreuil had resolved to 
give up on the first appearance of the English; and 
on the eighth day of September, the flag of St. George 
floated in triumph on the gate of Montreal, the ad- 
mired island of Jacques Cartier, the ancient hearth of 
the council-fires of the Wyandots, the village conse- 
crated by the Roman Church to the Virgin Mary, a 


site connected by rivers and lakes with an inland chap. 


world, and needing only a somewhat milder climate to w^^L 
be one of the most attractive spots on the continent. 1760. 
The capitulation included all Canada, which was said 
to extend to the crest of land dividing branches of 
Erie and Michigan from those of the Miami, the 
Wabash, and the Illinois rivers. Property and reli- 
gion were cared for in the terms ; but for civil liberty 
no stipulation was even thought of. Thus Canada, 
under the forms of a despotic administration, came 
into the possession of England by conquest ; and in a 
conquered country the law was held to be the pleasure 
of the king. 

On the fifth day after the capitulation, Rogers 
departed with two hundred rangers to carry English 
banners to the upper posts. 1 At Frontenac, now 
Kingston, an Indian hunting-party brought them wild 
fowl and venison. At Niagara, they provided them- 
selves with the fit costume of the wilderness. From 
Erie in the chilly days of November they went 
forward in boats, being the first considerable party of 
men whose tongue was the English that ever spread 
sails on Lake Erie or swept it with their oars. The 
Indians on the Lakes were at peace, united under Pon- 
tiac, the great chief of the Ottawas, happy in a coun- 
try fruitful of corn and abounding in game. As the 
Americans advanced triumphantly towards the realms 
where the native huntsman had chased the deer 
through the unbroken woodlands, they were met at 
the mouth of a river 2 by a deputation of Ottawas 

1 Rogers : Journals, 197. Journal, 214. The River was not 

8 Rogers: Concise Account of the Cuyahoga, but one forty-six 

North America, 240. Rogers : miles to the eastward of the river 

, VOL IV. 31 


chap, from the west. "Pontiac," said they, "is the chief 
.^^ and lord of the country yon are in ; wait till he can 
1760. see yon with his own eyes." 

When Pontiac and Eogers met, the savage chief- 
tain asked, — " How have yon dared to enter my 
country without my leave ?'' " I come," replied the 
English agent, "with no design against the Indians, 
but to remove the French out of your country ;" and 
he gave the wampum of peace. But Pontiac re- 
turned a belt, which arrested the march of the party, 
till his leave should be granted. 

The next day, the chief sent presents of bags of 
parched corn, and, at a second meeting, smoked the 
calumet with the American leader, inviting him to 
pass onward unmolested, with an escort of warriors, 
to assist in driving his herd of oxen along the shore. 
To the tribes southeast of Erie he sent word that the 
strangers came with his consent ; yet while he studied 
to inform himself how wool could be changed into 
cloth, how iron could be extracted from the earth, 
how warriors could be disciplined like the English, he 
spoke as an independent prince, who would not brook 
the presence of white men within his dominions but 
at his pleasure. 

After this interview, Eogers hastened to the 
straits which connect Erie and St. Clair, and took 
possession of Detroit. Thus was Michigan won by 
Great Britain, yet not for itself. There were those 

then called the Elk, and one hun- could not be done by a vessel sail- 

dred nine and a half miles to the east- ing from Cleveland to Sandusky, 

ward from Sandusky Bay. Howe's Rogers seems not accurate, though 

Ohio, 125. See the maps of Evans, professing to be so to the half or 

1755, and of T. Pownall, 1776. the quarter of a mile. The dis- 

On parting from Pontiac, Rogers tances appear to refer to the Ashta- 

says he kept a southwesterly course bula River ; the name Chogage to 

for about forty-eight miles ; which the Geauga. 


who foresaw that the acquisition of Canada was the chap. 
prelude of American independence. ^-r^ 


England began hostilities for Nova Scotia and the 
Ohio. These she had gained, and had added Canada 
and Guadaloupe. " I will snatch at the first moment 
of peace," said Pitt. " The desire of my heart,' 7 said 
George the Second to parliament, " is to see a stop 
put to the effusion of blood ;" and the public mind 
was discussing how far the conquests should be re- 
tained. So great a subject of consideration had never 
before presented itself to British statesmen. 

" We have had bloodshed enough," urged Pulte- 
ney, Earl of Bath, who, when in the House of Com- 
mons, had been cherished in America as the friend 
of its liberties, and who now in his old age pleaded 
for the termination of a truly national war by a solid 
and reasonable peace. " Our North American con- 
quests," said he to Pitt and Newcastle, and to the 
world, " cannot be retaken. Give up none of 
them ; or you lay the foundation of another war." 
" Unless we would choose to be obliged to keep 
great bodies of troops in America, in full peace, we 
can never leave the French any footing in Canada." 
"Not Senegal and Goree, nor even Guadaloupe, 
ought to be insisted upon as a condition of peace, pro- 
vided Canada be left to us." Such seemed " the infi- 
nite consequence of North America," which, by its 
increasing inhabitants, would consunie British manu- 
factures ; by its trade, employ innumerable British 
ships ; by its provisions, support the sugar islands ; 
by its products, fit out the whole navy of England. 

Peace, too, was to be desired in behalf of Eng- 
land's ally, the only Protestant sovereign in Germany 


chap, who could preserve the privileges of his religion 
^^L, from "being trampled under foot. " How calmly," 
1760. said Bath, "the King of Prussia possesses himself 
under distress ! how ably he can extricate himself !" 
having " amazing resources in his own unbounded 
genius." " The warm support of the Protestant na- 
tion" of Great Britain must be called forth, or " the 
war begun to wrest Silesia from him" would, " in the 
end, be found to be a war" to " overturn the liberties 
and religion of Germany." 

Peace was, moreover, to be solicited from love to 
political freedom. The increase of the navy, army, 
and public debt, and the consequent influence of the 
crown, was " much too great for the independency of 
the constitution." 1 

The generous and wise sentiments of the Earl of 
Bath were acceptable to the people of England. But 
there were not wanting a reflecting few who doubted. 
Foremost among them, William Burke, 2 the kinsman 
and friend, and often the associate, of Edmund 
Burke, found arguments for retaining Guadaloupe in 
the opportunity it would afford of profitable invest- 
ment, the richness of the soil, the number of its 
slaves, the absence of all rivalry between England 
and a tropical island. Besides, he added, to alarm his 
countrymen, " if the people of our colonies find no 
check from Canada, they will extend themselves al- 

1 Earl of Bath's Letter to Two and believed to have been the an- 
Great Men, &c, 1760. thor." I know no authority for 

2 Eemarks on the Letter to Two attributing the pamphlet to Ed- 
Great Men. Compare Almon's mund Burke ; but compare on the 
Biographical Anecdotes of Emi- intimacy between the two, Ed- 
nent Persons, ii. 347. " Mr. Wil- mund Burke's Correspondence, i. 
liam Burke has always been said 36. 


most without bound into the inland parts. They will chap. 
increase infinitely from all causes. What the conse- ,^^ 
quence will be, to have a numerous, hardy, indepen- 1760. 
dent people, possessed of a strong country, communi- 
cating little or not at all with England, I leave to 
your own reflections." 

"By eagerly grasping at extensive territory, we 
may run the risk, and in no very distant period, of 
losing what we now possess. A neighbor that keeps 
us in some awe is not always the worst of neigh- 
bors. So that, far from sacrificing Guadaloupe to 
Canada, perhaps, if we might have Canada without 
any sacrifice at all, we ought not to desire it. There 
should be a balance of power in America." And the 
writer revealed his connections by advising, that, as 
the war had been " an American war," " Lord Hali- 
fax," one of the " few" whom " inclinations, studies, 
opportunities, and talents had made perfectly masters 
of the state and interests of the colonies," should be 
appointed to negotiate peace. 

Private letters 1 from Guadaloupe gave warning 
that a country of such vast resources, and so distant 
as North America, could never remain long subject 
to Britain. The acquisition of Canada would 
strengthen America to revolt. " One can foresee 
these events clearly," said the unnamed writer ; " it is 
no gift of prophecy. It is a natural and unavoidable 
consequence, and must appear so to every man 
whose head is not too much affected with popular 
madness or political enthusiasm. The islands, from 
their weakness, can never revolt ; but, if we acquire 
all Canada, we shall soon find North America itself 

1 Almon's Anecdotes of the Earl of Chatham, iii. Appendix M. 


chap, too powerful and too populous to be governed by us 

<_^L, at a distance." 

1760. If Canada were annexed, " the Americans," it was 
objected in conversation, "would be at leisure to 
manufacture for themselves, and throw off their de- 
pendence on the mother country." 1 

On the other side, Benjamin Franklin, having many 
in England and all reflecting men in his native land for 
his hearers, replying to Burke, defended the annexation 
of Canada as the only mode of securing America, The 
Indians, from the necessity of commerce, would cease 
to massacre the planters, and cherish perpetual peace. 
There would be no vast inland frontier to be de- 
fended against France, at an incalculable expense. 
The number of British subjects would, indeed, in- 
crease more rapidly than if the mountains should 
remain their barrier ; but they would be more dif- 
fused, and their employment in agriculture would, 
free England from the fear of American manufactures. 

"With Canada in our possession," he remarked, 
" our people in America will increase am'azingly. I 
know that their common rate of increase is doubling 
their numbers every twenty-five years, by natural 
generation only, exclusive of the accession of foreign- 
ers. This increase continuing would, in a century 
more, make the British subjects on that side the 
water more numerous than they now are on this." 
Should the ministry surrender their own judgment to 
the fears of others, it would " prevent the -assuring to 
the British name and nation a stability and perma- 
nency that no man acquainted with history durst have 

1 Rutherford's Importance of the Colonies, 9, 10. 


hoped for, till onr American possessions opened the chap. 
pleasing prospect." ^^ , 

To the objection, that England could supply only 1760. 
the seacoast, that the inhabitants of the interior must 
manufacture for themselves, Franklin evoked from 
futurity the splendid vision of wide navigation on the 
great risers and inland seas of America. Even the 
poor Indian on Lake Superior was already able to 
pay for wares furnished from French and English 
factories ; and would not industrious farmers, here- 
after settled in those countries, be better able to pay 
for what should be brought them ? 

" The trade to the West India Islands," he con- 
tinued, " is undoubtedly a valuable one ; but it has 
long been at a stand. The trade to our northern 
colonies is not only greater, but yearly increasing 
with the increase of people ; and even in a greater 
proportion, as the people increase in wealth." 

a That their growth may render them dangerous 
I have not the least conception. We have already 
fourteen separate governments on the maritime coast 
of the continent; and shall probably have as many 
more behind them on the inland side. Their jeal- 
ousy of each other is so great, they have never been 
able to effect a union among themselves, nor even to 
agree in requesting the mother country to establish 
it for them. If they could not agree to unite for 
their defence against the French and Indians, who 
were perpetually harassing their settlements, burning 
their villages, and murdering their people, is there 
any danger of their uniting against their own nation, 
which they all love much more than they love one 
another ? 

" Such a union is impossible, without the most 


chap, grievous tyranny and oppression. People who have 
_^L, property in a country, which they may lose, and 
1T60. privileges which they may endanger, are generally 
disposed' to be quiet, and even to bear much, rather 
than hazard all. While the government is mild and 
just, while important civil and religious rights are 
secure, such subjects will be dutiful and obedient.' 
The waves do not rise, but when the winds blow." 
Thus Franklin offered the great advice which 
sprung from his love of English freedom and his truly 
American heart. Appealing also to the men of let- 
ters, he communed with David Hume on the jealousy 
of trade ; and shared the more agreeable system of 
economy that promised to the world freedom of com- 
merce, a brotherhood of the nations, and mutual 
benefits from mutual prosperity. He rejoiced that 
the great master of English historic style, — who by 
his natural character and deliberate opinion was at 
heart a republican, 1 — loved to promote by his writ- 
ings that common good of mankind, which the Amer- 
ican, inventing a new form of expression, called u the 
interest of humanity ;" 2 and he summoned before * 
the mind of the Scottish philosopher that audience 
of innumerable millions which a century or two would 
prepare in America for all who should use English 
well. England cheerfully and proudly accepted the 
counsels which his magnanimity inspired. Promising 
herself wealth from colonial trade, she was also occu- 
pied by the thought of filling the wilderness, instruct- 
ing it with the products of her intelligence, and 
blessing it with free institutions. Homer sang from 

1 Hume's Correspondence in Bnr- * Franklin to Hume, 27 Sept , 
ton's Life of Hume. 1760. Writings, viii. 210. 


isle to isle; the bards- of England would find "hear- chap. 


ers in every zone," and in the admiration of genius ^^L, 
continent respond to continent. 17 60. 

Pitt would not weigh the West India islands 
against half a hemisphere ; he desired to retain them 
both ; but being overruled in the cabinet he held fast 
to Canada. The liberties of the English in America 
were his delight ; he made it his glory to extend the 
boundaries throughout which they were to be enjoy- 
ed ; and yet, at that very time the Board of Trade 
retained the patronage and internal administration of 
the colonies, and were persuaded more than ever of 
the necessity of radical changes in the government in 
favor of the central authority. While they waited 
for peace as the proper season for their interference, 
Thomas Pownall, the Governor of Massachusetts, a 
statesman who had generous feelings, but no logic, 
flashes of sagacity, but no clear comprehension, who 
from inclination associated with liberal men, even 
while he framed plans for strengthening the preroga- 
tive, affirmed, and many times reiterated, that the 
independence of America was certain, and near at 
hand. " Not for centuries," replied Hutchinson, who 
knew the strong affection of New England for the ' 
home of its fathers. 1 

But the Lords of Trade shared the foreboding. In 
every province, the people, from design, or from their 
nature and position, seemed gradually confirming 
their sway. Virginia, once " so orderly," had assum- 
ed the right of equitably adjusting the emoluments 
secured by law to the Church. In 1759, Sherlock, 

1 See Hutchinson to T. Pownall, 8 March, 1766, where Pownall is 
reminded of the prophecy. 


chap, then Bishop of London, had confided his griefs to the 
.^^i, Board of Trade, at " the great change in the temper 
1760. of the people of Virginia." "It is surely high time," 
said he, " to look about us and consider of the several 
steps lately taken to the diminution of the preroga- 
tive of the crown. The rights of the clergy and the 
authority of the king must stand or fall together." 

" Connecticut," wrote a royalist Churchman, in 
July, 17 GO, to Seeker, the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
" Connecticut is little more than a mere democracy ; 
most of them upon a level, and each man thinking 
himself an able divine and politician ;" and to make 
them " a good sort of people," he urged upon Halifax 
and Pitt, that "the Church should be supported," 
" and the charters of that colony, and of its eastward 
neighbors, be demolished." "The present republi- 
can form of those governments was indeed pernicious. 
The people were rampant in their high notions of 
liberty, and thence perpetually running into intrigue 
and faction ;" and he advocated an act of parliament 
establishing one model for all America. As " a prin- 
ciple of union," a viceroy, or lord-lieutenant, was to 
be appointed, with a council of two from each prov- 
ince, like the Amphictyons of Greece, to consult for 
union, stability, and the good of the whole ; and 
" there being the strongest connection between fear- 
ing God and honoring the king," " prayer" was made 
for " bishops, at least two or three." * J 

In the winter after the taking of Quebec, the ru- 
mor got abroad of the fixed design in England to 
remodel the provinces. 2 Many officers of the British 

1 From the draught of a corres- 2 John Adams : Works, iv. 6, 7. 
pondence with Archbishop Seeker. 



army expressed the opinion openly, that America chap. 
should be compelled to yield a revenue at the disposi- ^^ 
tion of the crown. Some of them, at New York, 1760. 
suggested such a requisition of quitrents, as would be 
virtually a general land-tax, by act of parliament. 
"While I can wield this weapon," cried Livingston, 
the large landholder, grasping his sword, " England 
shall never get it but with my heart's blood." * In 
the Assembly at New York, which had been chosen 
in the previous year, the popular party was strength- 
ened by those who battled with Episcopacy, and 
the Livingstons, descendants of Scottish Presbyteri- 
ans, were recognised as its leaders. Of these were 
Philip, the popular alderman, a merchant of New 
York, and William, who represented his brother's 
manor, a scholar, and an able lawyer, the incorrupti- 
ble advocate of civil and religious liberty, in manners 
plain, by his nature republican. Nor may Eobert R. 
Livingston, of Duchess County, be forgotten, — an 
only son, heir to very large estates, a man of spirit 
and honor, keenly sensitive to right, faultless as a son, 
a son-in-law, a husband, possessing a gentleness of 
nature and a candor that ever endeared him to the 
friends of freedom. 

In the opinion of Cadwallader Colden, the presi- 
dent of the Council, 2 " the democratical or popular 
part" of the American constitution " was too strong 
for the other parts, and in time might swallow them 
both up, and endanger the dependence of the plan- 

1 Reunion of Great Britain, &c, tenant-governor, and after the death 
88. of Delancey. He includes in his 

2 This plan is in Colden's hand- plan permanent commissions to the 
writing. No date is annexed ; but judges, which was the subject that 
its general tone points to the year at that time occupied his mind. 
1760, just before he was made lieu- 


chap, tations on the crown of Great Britain." His reme- 
^^i, dies were, " a perpetual revenue," fixed salaries, and 
1760. " an hereditary council of privileged landholders, in 
imitation of the Lords of parliament." At the same 
time, he warned against the danger of applying a 
standing revenue to favorites, or bestowing beneficial 
employments on strangers alone, to the great dis- 
couragement of the people of the plantations. In- 
fluenced by a most "favorable opinion" of Colden's 
"zeal for the rights of the crown," Lord Halifax 
conferred on him the vacant post of lieutenant-gov- 
ernor of New York. 1 

In the neighboring province of New Jersey, 
Francis Bernard, as its governor, a royalist, selected 
for office by Halifax, had, from 1758, the time of his 
arrival in America, been brooding over the plans for 
enlarging royal power which he afterwards reduced 
to form. But Pennsylvania, of all the colonies, led 
the van of what the royalists called " Democracy." 
Its Assembly succeeded in obtaining its governor's 
assent to their favorite assessment bill, by which the 
estates of the proprietaries were subjected to taxa- 
tion. They revived and continued for sixteen years 
their excise, which was collected by officers of their 
own appointment ; and they kept its " very consider- 
able" proceeds solely and entirely at their own dis- 
posal. " This act alone," it was thought, " must, in 
effect, vest them with almost all the power in that 
government." Still, these measures, they said, " did 
not yet sufficiently secure their constitution ;" and by 
other bills they enlarged popular power, taking from 

1 Compare Colden to Halifax, 11 August, 1760, and Colden to John 
Pownall, 12 August, 1761. 


the governor all influence over the judiciary, by chap. 
making good behavior its tenure of office. Mary- _^ 
land repeated the same contests, and adopted the 1760. 
same policy. 

Already the negative had been wrested from the 
Council of Pennsylvania, and from the proprietaries 
themselves. Tlje latter, therefore, in March, 1760, 
appealed to the king against seventeen acts that had 
been passed in 1758 and 1759, "as equally affecting 
the royal prerogative, their chartered immunities, and 
their rights as men." When, in May, 1760, Franklin 
appeared with able counsel to defend the liberties of 
his adopted home before the Board of Trade, he 
was encountered by Pratt, the attorney-general, and 
Charles Yorke, the son of Lord Hardwicke, then the 
solicitor-general, who appeared for the prerogative 
and the proprietaries. Of the acts complained of, it 
was held that some " were unjust to the private for- 
tunes of the Penns," and all, by their dangerous 
encroachments, " fatal to the constitution in a public 
consideration." In behalf of the people it was 
pleaded, that the consent of the governor, who was 
the deputy of the proprietaries, included the consent 
of .his principals. To this it was replied, that his 
consent was fraudulent, for the amount of his emolu- 
ments had depended on his compliance ; that it was 
subversive of the constitution for the Assembly first 
to take to themselves the supervision of the treasure, 
and then to employ it to corrupt the governor. Even 
the liberal Pratt, as well as Yorke, " said much of 
the intention to establish a democracy, in place of his 
Majesty's government," and urged upon " the propri- 
etaries their duty of resistance." The Lords of Trade 
found that in Pennsylvania, as in every other colony, 

vol. iv. 32 


chap. " the delegates far exceeded the largest claims of the 
^^i. House of Commons, not only by raising the money, 
1760. but by investing themselves with the sole application 
of it, and usurping by this means the most valuable 
prerogative of the executive power." The Board, 
therefore, in June, assured the cabinet ministers, that 
" experience had shown how vain it was to negotiate 
away his Majesty's authority, since every new con- 
cession became a foundation for some new demand, 
and that of some new dispute f and they recom- 
mended that " the constitution should be brought 
back to its proper principles, to restore to the crown, 
in the person of the proprietaries, its just preroga- 
tive, to check the growing influence of assemblies, 
by distinguishing, what they are perpetually con- 
founding, the executive from the legislative power." 

When, in July, the subject was discussed before 
the Privy Council, Lord Mansfield made the extraor- 
dinary motion, a that the attorney and solicitor gene- 
ral be instructed to report their opinion whether his 
Majesty could not disapprove of parts of an act and 
confirm other parts of it." 1 But so violent an 
attempt to extend the king's prerogative, at the ex- 
pense of the people of the colonies and the propri- 
etaries, met with no favor. 

At last, of the seventeen acts objected to, the six 
which encroached most on the executive power were 
negatived by the king ; but by the influence of Lord 
Mansfield, and against the., advice of the Board of 
Trade, the assessment bill, which taxed the estates of 
the proprietaries, was made the subject of an informal 
capitulation between them and the agent of the peo- 

1 Proprietary to Thomas Penn, 22 August, 1760. 


pie of Pennsylvania, and was included among those chap. 
that were confirmed. 


There were two men in England whose interest 
in these transactions was especially memorable : Pitt, 
the secretary of state for America, and Edmund 
Burke, a man of letters, at that time in the service 
of William Gerard Hamilton, the colleague of Lord 
Halifax. Burke shared the opinions of the Board of 
Trade, that all the offensive acts of Pennsylvania 
should be rejected, and censured with severity the tem- 
porizing facility of Lord Mansfield as a feeble and un- 
manly surrender of just authority. 1 The time was 
near at hand when the ytfung Irishman's opinions 
upqn the extent of British authority over America 
would become of moment. Great efforts were made 
to win the immediate interposition of William Pitt, 
to appall the colonies by his censure, or to mould 
them by British legislation. After diligent and 
long-continued inquiry, I cannot find that he ever con- 
sented to menace any restriction on the freedom of 

1 The early life of Edmund name. Edmund came to be agent 
Burke is not much known. I have of New York, but at a later day- 
seen a letter from John Pownall to and under other auspices. At this 
Lieut. Gov. Colden of New York, time he acted in the employment 
dated 10 January, 1760, recom- of one of the Board of Trade ; and 
mending Thomas Burke for the at that Board and in Ireland ren- 
post of agent for that colony, and dered service enough to obtain 
describing him as a gentleman of through Halifax a pension of £300. 
honor, ability, and industry, " who It is observable that Burke never 
has particularly made the state reveals any thing relating to his 
and interest of our colonies his employers; and in his historic 
study." If this was meant for sketches of the origin of the trou- 
Edmund (and there appears to have bles with America, spares the me- 
been no one of the Burkes named mory of Halifax. Indeed the 
Thomas), it would seem that the name of Halifax scarcely appears 
great orator was not then a person in all his published writings. We 
of importance enough for a patron- may see in what school Burke 
izing secretary of the Board of learnt the doctrine of the right of 
Trade to remember his christian Parliament to tax America. 


chap, the people in the colonies, or even so much as ex- 
v^^ pressed an opinion that they were more in fault than 
1760. the champions of prerogative. So little did he inter- 
est himself in the strifes of Pennsylvania, that, during 
his whole ministry, Franklin was never once admitted 
to his presence. Every one of his letters which I 
have seen — and I think I have seen every considerable 
one to every colony — is marked by liberality and 
respect for American rights; and the governor of 
Maryland, who desired taxation by parliament, and 
had appealed to the secretary, "in hopes that mea- 
sures would have been taken to end the dispute" 
between the officers of the crown and the Assembly, 
was left to complain " that his Majesty's ministers had 
not as yet interfered," that Pitt would " only blame 
both houses for their failure to make appropriations." 
The threat of interference, on the close of the war, 
was incessant from Halifax and the Board of Trade ; 
I can trace no such purpose to Pitt. 1 

Yet a circular from the secretary, who was in- 
formed by Amherst that the French islands were 
supplied during the war with provisions from Ame- 
rica, was connected with the first strong expressions of 
discontent in New England. American merchants 

1 In the history of the American from it. I have seen Fauquier's 

Revolution hy the inquisitive but correspondence ; both the letters to 

credulous Gordon, Pitt is said to have him, and his replies; and there is 

told Franklin, that, " when the war nothing in either of them giving a 

closed," he should take measures shadow of corroboration to the 

of authority against the colonies, statement. Gordon may have built 

This is erroneous. Pitt at that on rumor, or carelessly substituted 

time had not even seen Franklin, as the name of Pitt for Halifax and 

we know from a memoir by Frank- the Board of Trade. The narrative 

lin himself. Gordon adds, that Pitt, in the text I could confirm by many 

in 1759 or 1760, wrote to Fauquier, special quotations, and still more 

of Virginia, that " they should tax by the uniform tendency of the cor- 

the colonies when the war was respondence at that time between 

over," and that Fauquier dissuaded England and America. 



were incited, by the French commercial regulations, to chap. 
engage in the carrying-trade of the French sugar _^1 
islands; and they gained by its immense profits. 1760. 
This trade was protected by flags of truce, which 
were granted by the colonial governors. " For each 
flag," wrote Horatio Sharpe, who longed to share in 
the spoils, "for each flag, my neighbor, Governor 
Denny, receives a handsome douceur, and I have been 
told that Governor Bernard in particular has also done 
business in the same way." 1 "I," said Fauquier, of 
Virginia, "have never been prevailed on to grant 
one ; though I have been tempted by large offers, and 
pitiful stories of relations lying in French dungeons 
for want of such flags." 2 In vehement and imperative 
words, Pitt rebuked the practice ; not with a view 
permanently to restrain the trade of the continent 
with the foreign islands, but only in time of war to 
distress the enemy by famine. 

In August, the same month in which this impas- 
sioned interdict was issued, Francis Bernard, whom 
the Board of Trade favored as the most willing friend 
to the English Church and to British authority, was 
removed from the government of New Jersey to that 
of Massachusetts. But the distrust that was never to 
be removed, had already planted itself very deeply in 
the province. "These English," men said to one 
another, "will overturn every thing. We must re- 
sist them; and that by force." And they reasoned 
together on the necessity of a general attention to the 
militia, to their exercises and discipline ; for they 

1 Lieutenant Gov. Sharpe to his 2 Fauquier to Pitt, 1760. I have 
brother Philip, 8 Feb., 1760. very many letters on this subject. 



chap, repeated, " we must resist in arms." 1 In September of 
^^^ that year, Bernard manifested the purpose of his ap- 
1760. pointment, by informing the legislature of Massachu- 
setts " that they derived blessings from their subjec- 
tion to Great Britain." Subjection to Great Britain 
was a new doctrine in New England ; whose people 
professed loyalty to the king, but shunned a new 
master in the collective people of England. The 
Council, in its reply, owned only a beneficial " relation 
to Great Britain ;" the House of Representatives 
spoke vaguely of " the connection between the mother 
country and the provinces, on the principles of filial 
obedience, protection, and justice." 

The colonists had been promised, after the con- 
quest of Canada, that they should " sit quietly under 
their own vines and fig-trees, with none to make them 
afraid;" and already they began to fear aggressions 
on their freedom. To check illicit trade, the officers 
of the customs had even demanded of the Supreme 
Court general writs of assistance ; but the writs had 
been withheld, because Stephen Sewall, the chief jus- 
tice of the province, a man of great integrity, respect- 
ed and beloved by the people, doubted their legality. 
In September, Sewall died, to the universal sorrow 
of the province; and the character of his successor 
would control the decision of the court on the legality 
of writs of assistance, involving the whole subject of 
enforcing the British Acts of Trade by the utmost 
exertion of arbitrary and irresponsible discretion ; as 
well as the degree of political support which the ju- 
diciary would grant to the intended new system of 
administration. Had the first surviving judge been 
promoted to the vacancy, a place would have been 

1 John Adams's Works, iv. 6. 


left open for James Otis, of Barnstable, at that time chap. 
speaker of the house of representatives, a good ^^L 
lawyer, to whom a former governor had promised 17 60. 
a seat on the bench. 1 But Bernard appointed 
Thomas Hutchinson, originally a merchant by pro- 
fession, subservient in his politics, already lieutenant- 
governor, councillor, and judge of probate. A burst 
of indignation broke from the colony at this union of 
such high executive, legislative, and judicial functions 
in one person, who was not bred to the law, and was 
expected to interpret it for the benefit of the preroga- 
tive. Oxenbridge Thacher, a lawyer of great merit, 
a man of sagacity and patriotism, respected for learn- 
ing, ability, purity of life, and moderation, discerned 
the dangerous character of Hutchinson's ambition, and 
from this time denounced him openly and always; 
while James Otis, the younger, offended as a son and 
a patriot, resigned the office of advocate-general, and 
by his eloquence in opposition to the royalists, set the 
province in a flame. But the new chief justice re- 
ceived the iterated application for writs of assistance, 
and delayed the decision of the court only till he 
could write to England. 

There the Board of Trade had matured its system. 
They agreed with what Dobbs had written from 
North Carolina, that " it was not prudent, when unu- 
sual supplies . were asked, to litigate any point with 
the factious assemblies; but upon an approaching 
peace, it would be proper to insist on the king's pre- 
rogative." " Lord Halifax," said Seeker of that no- 
bleman, about the time of his forfeiting an advanta- 

1 Oakes Angiers Journal, i. 


chap, geous marriage by a licentious connection with an 
^^L, opera girl, " Lord Halifax is earnest for bishops in 
1760. America," and he hoped for success in that "great 
point, when it should please God to bless them with a 
peace." The opinions of Ellis, the governor of Geor- 
gia, who had represented the want of " a small mili- 
tary force" to keep the Assembly from encroach- 
ments ; of Lyttleton, who, from South Carolina, had 
sent word that the root of all the difficulties of the 
king's servants lay " in having no standing revenue," 
were kept in mind. " It has been hinted to me," 
said the secretary of Maryland, " that, at the peace, 
acts of parliament will be moved for amendment of 
government and a standing force in America, and 
that the colonies, for whose protection the force will 
be established, must bear at least the greatest share 
of charge. This," wrote Calvert, in January, 1760, 1 
" will occasion a tax ;" and he made preparations to 
give the Board of Trade his answer to their proposi- 
tions on the safest modes of raising a revenue in 
America by act of parliament. 

" For all what you Americans say of your loy- 
alty," observed Pratt, the attorney-general, better 
known in America as Lord Camden, to Franklin, 
" and notwithstanding your boasted affection, you 
will one day set up for independence." "No such 
idea," replied Franklin, sincerely, " is entertained by 
the Americans, or ever will be, unless you grossly 
abuse them." " Very true," rejoined Pratt ; " that I 
see will happen, and will produce the event." 2 

Peace with foreign states was to bring for Amer- 
ica an alteration of charters, a new system of adminis- 

1 O. Calvert to H. Sharpe, Jan- 2 Quincy's Life of Quincy. 269. 
nary, 1760. 


tration, a standing army, and for the support of that chap 
army a grant of an American revenue by a British ^^L 
parliament. The decision was settled, after eleven 1760. 
years' reflection and experience, by Halifax and 
his associates at the Board of Trade, and for its exe- 
cution needed only a prime minister and a resolute 
monarch to lend it countenance. In the midst of 
these schemes, surrounded by victory, the aged George 
the Second died suddenly of apoplexy ; and on the 
morning of the twenty-fifth day of October, 1760, his 
grandson, the pupil of Leicester House, then but ,. 
twenty-two years of age, while riding with the Earl of 
Bute, was overtaken by a secret message that he was 




chap. " My horse is lame " said the new king, as a rea- 
XVII. . . . 

^^^i son for turning back ; nor did he manifest any sign of 

1760. emotion or surprise at the intelligence which he had 

received. Continuing his concealment, " I have said 

this horse was lame," he remarked to the groom at 

Kew ; " I forbid you to say the contrary ;" and he 

went directly to Carleton House, the residence of his 

mother. 1 

The first person whom he sent for was Newcastle ; 
who came in a great hurry as soon as he could " put 
on his clothes." None knew better than those who 
were to receive the duke, that Pitt had forced a way 
into the highest place in the ministry over the heads 
of an envious and unwilling aristocracy ; and that, 
under a reluctant coalition, there rankled an incurable 
alienation between the members of the administration 
itself. 2 

Newcastle had no sooner entered Carleton House, 
than Bute came to him, and told him that the king 
would see him before any body and before holding a 
council. " Compliments from me," he added, u are 

1 Walpole's George III. i. 6. of the Present Discontents. Works 

2 Burke's Thoughts on the Cause I 362. • 


now unnecessary. I have been and shall be your chap. 
friend, and you shall see it." The veteran courtier _J_ 
caught at the naked hook as soon as thrown out, and 1760. 
answered in the same strain. 

The king, so young and so determined to rule, 
praised the loyalty of Newcastle, who in return was 
profuse of promises. 1 " My Lord Bute," said the king, 
"is your good friend. He will tell you my thoughts 
at large." And before the ashes of the late king 
were cold, 2 the faithless duke was conspiring with the 
new influences on and around the throne to subvert 
the system, by which Pitt had not only restored but 
exalted his country. 

On meeting the council, the king, and with good 
reason, appeared agitated and embarrassed; for his 
speech, which had been drawn by Bute, set up adhe- % 
sion to his plan of government as the test of honesty ; 
calumniated the war as " bloody " and expensive ; 
and silently abandoned the king of Prussia. New- 
castle, who was directed to read it aloud, seemed to 
find it unexceptionable ; and opportunely lowered his 
voice at the offensive parts, so that his words could 
not be distinguished. " Is there' any thing wrong in 
point of form ?" asked the king ; and then dismissed 
his ministers ; and the declaration was projected, exe- 
cuted and entered in the council books without any 
previous notice to Pitt. 

The Great Commoner was " extremely hurt f 8 he 
discerned what was plotting ; and after vainly seeking 
to inspire Newcastle with truth and firmness, 4 he 

1 Newcastle himself gives the the publication of Newcastle's letter 
account of all this. " I made snita- to Hardwicke, 26 Oct., 1760, con- 
ble returns." containing his own account of his 

2 William Pitt to Nuthall, 10 interview with the king. 

Dec, 1765. Chat. Corr. ii. 349. 8 Harris's Hardwicke, iii. 215. 
It was not known how literally 4 Walpole's Memoirs of George 
true was the accusation of Pitt, till IH M i. 10. 



chap, insisted that the address should be amended; that 
v^_ it was false to say the war had been to England 
176 0. a bloody war; 1 and after an altercation of two or 
three hours with Lord Bute, he extorted the king's 
reluctant consent to substitute as his own these 
words : "As I mount the throne in the midst of an 
expensive but just and necessary war, I shall endeavor 
to prosecute it in a manner most likely to bring on 
an honorable and lasting peace in concert with my 

The amendments of Pitt gave to the address dig- 
nity and nationality. The wound to the royal author- 
ity rankled in the breast of the king. He took care 
to distinguish Newcastle above all others ; and on the 
third day after his accession, he called Bute, who was 
# but his groom of the stole, and who had forfeited 
Pitt's friendship, 2 not to the Privy Council only, but 
also to the cabinet. 3 

On the last day of October, the king published a 
proclamation u for the encouragement of piety, and 
for preventing immorality." This public appeal cor- 
responded with his personal habits ; and in a king- 
dom, where, for nearly fifty years, the king's mis- 
tresses, in rank the peeresses of the highest aris- 
tocracy, had introduced vulgarity with licentious- 
ness, and had rivalled the ministry in political in- 
fluence, the serious people of England were fired 
with loyalty towards a monarch who had been trained 
in seclusion as temperately and chastely as a nun. 
Nov . To the draft which Hardwicke and Pitt had made 

1 Newcastle to Hardwicke. 8 Walpole's Memoirs of the 

* Adolphus: Hist, of England, Eeign of King George III., i. 8, 

i. 11. ' and Sir Denis Le Marchant's Note. 


for his first speech to parliament, lie on his own au- chap. 
thority added the words, " Born and educated* in this _^ 
country, I glory in the name of Briton :" thus putting 1760. 
himself with just complacency rather than invidiously 
in contrast with his predecessors, who were Hanove- 
rians by birth and by affection. A greater concourse 
of " the beauty and gentility" of the kingdom attend- 
ed him at parliament than had ever graced that 
assembly. "His manner," said Ingersoll, of Con- 
necticut, who was present, "has the beauty of an 
accomplished speaker. He is not only, as a king, dis- 
posed to do all in his power to make his subjects 
happy, but is undoubtedly of a disposition truly reli- 
gious." Horace Walpole echoed the praises of his 
grace, dignity, and good-nature; expressed his admi- 
ration in courtly verses, and began a friendly corre- 
spondence with Bute. "All his dispositions are 
good," said Seeker, the archbishop ; " he is a regular, 
worthy, and pious young man, and hath the interest 
of religion sincerely at heart." 1 The poet Churchill 
did but echo the voice of the nation, when he wrote : 

"Stripped of her gaudy plumes and vain disguise, 
See where Ambition, mean and loathsome, lies ! 
Eeflection with relentless hand pulls down 
The tyrant's bloody wreath and ravished crown. 
In vain he tells of battles bravely won, 
Of nations conquered, and of worlds undone. 
But if, in searching round the world, we find 
Some generous youth, the friend of all mankind, 
Whose anger, like the bolt of Jove, is sped 
In terrors only at the guilty head, 
Whose mercies, like heaven's dew, refreshing fall 
In general love and charity to all, 
Pleased we behold such worth on any throne, 
And doubly pleased, we find it on our own." 

1 Seeker to Johnson, 4 Nov., in Chandler's Life of Johnson, 182. 
vol. iv. 33 


chap. Such acclamations welcomed the accession of George 


^J, the Third, whom youth and victory, conquest and 
1760. the love of glory, popular acclamation and the voice 
of Pitt, the prospect of winning all America and all 
the Indies, could not, as it seemed, swerve from the 
fixed purpose of moderation in triumph and the ear- 
liest practicable peace. But the ruling idea of his 
mind, early developed and indelibly branded in, was 
the restoration of the prerogative, which in America 
the provincial assemblies had resisted and defied; 
which in England had one obstacle in the rising im- 
portance of the people, as represented by Pitt, and 
another in the established power of the oligarchy un- 
der the banner of Newcastle. 1 The man at maturity 
is but the continuation of the youth ; from the day of 
his accession, George the Third displayed an innate 
love of authority, and, with a reluctant yielding to 
present obstacles, the reserved purpose of asserting his 
self-will, which doomed him in a universe of change 
to oppose reform, and struggle continuously, though 
hopelessly, against the slow but resistless approaches 
of popular power. 

" Our young man," 2 wrote Holdernesse, one of the 
secretaries of state, "shows great attention to his 
affairs, and an earnest desire of being truly informed 
of the state of them. He is patient and diligent in 
business, and gives evident marks of perspicuity and 
good sense." " Nothing can be more amiable, more 
virtuous, or better disposed, than our present mon- 
arch," reported Barrington, 3 the secretary at war, but 
a few weeks later ; " he applies himself thoroughly to 

1 Burke: Thoughts on the Cause 8 Lord Barrington to Sir An- 
of the present Discontent. drew Mitchell, 5 Jan., 1761, in the 

8 Holdernesse to Mitchell. British Museum. 


his affairs, and understands them astonishingly well. chap. 

• . XVII 

His faculties seem to me equal to his good intentions. v_^ 
A most uncommon attention, a quick and just concep- 1760. 
tion, great mildness, great civility, which takes no- 
thing from his dignity, caution and firmness are 
conspicuous in the highest degree." " The king," 
said the chief proprietary of Pennsylvania, 1 " attends 
dai]y to business ; shows great steadiness in his reso- 
lutions, and is very exact to all his applications, whe- 
ther of business or recreation." But Charles Town- 
shend, being questioned as to his character, deliber- 
ated a moment, and replied, " The young man is very 
obstinate ;" and four months had not passed, when 
Pratt, the attorney-general, predicted that "this 
would be a weak and inglorious reign." 2 

To place himself above aristocratic dictation and 
dictation of all sorts, was the ruling passion of George 
the Third ; and for its gratification he was bent on se- 
curing " to the court the unlimited and uncontrolled 
use of its own vast influence under the sole direction of 
its private favor." 8 For his instrument in accomplish- 
ing this purpose, he cherished the Earl of Bute, whom 
he valued only because he found in him an obsequious 
friend, ready to give effect to the new system ; and 
within five weeks from the commencement of his 
reign, Bute was planning how to make a place for 
himself among the ministers. To the party of the 
court he brought no strength whatever. He had 
neither experience, nor political connections, nor 
powerful family friendships, nor great capacity ; and 

1 Penn to Hamilton. of the Present Discontent. Works, 

2 Nicholls's Recollections. i. 358. 

3 Burke: Thoughts on the Cause 


chap, owed his public distinction solely to the royal favor. 


v^J, He was to the king such a confidential companion as 
1760. the attendant on a heroine in the plays of the earlier 
French dramatists. By theory he acquiesced in royal 
authority. He was inferior to George the Third, even 
in those qualities in which that prince was most de- 
ficient ; greatly his inferior in vigor of understanding 
and energy of character. The one had a daring har- 
dihood and self-relying inflexibility, which danger 
could not startle and the dread of responsibility 
could not appall ; while Bute, who was timid by na- 
ture, united persistence with pusillanimity ; and as a 
consequence, had the habit of duplicity. He was 
ignorant of men and ignorant of business, without sa- 
gacity or courage ; so that it is difficult to express ade- 
quately his unfitness for the conduct of a party, or the 
management of the foreign relations and public affairs 
of his country. 

Had Bute been left to his own resources, he must 
have failed from the beginning. Even his earnest 
desire to restore peace could not have brought about 
his advancement ; the way was opened for him by 
the jealous impatience of the aristocracy at power 
derived, independently of themselves, from the good 
opinion of the people of England. " The ministers 
will drop off, ere long," wrote the vain, rich Doding- 
ton ; " think with yourself and your royal master of 
proper persons to fill up the first rank with you, in 

case of death or desertion Remember, my 

noble and generous friend, that to recover monarchy 
from the inveterate usurpation of oligarchy is a point 
too arduous and important to be achieved without 
much difficulty and some degree of danger." " They 
will beat every thing," said Glover, of Bute and the 



kingr; "only a little time must be allowed for the chap 


madness of popularity to cool." But from that day v^^J, 
forward, "popularity," as the influence and power of 1760. 
the people were sometimes called by the public men 
of England, was the movement of the age, which 
could as little be repressed as Providence dethroned; 
and George, who hated it almost to madness, was the 
instrument chosen by Heaven to accelerate that 
movement, till it proceeded with a force which 
involved the whole human race, and could not be 
checked by all the weight of ancient authority. 

The king was eager to renounce the connection 1761, 
with Prussia, and to leave that kingdom to meet its 
own ruin, while he negotiated separately with France ; 
but Pitt prevailed with the cabinet to renew the 
annual treaty with Frederic, and with parliament to 
vote the subsidy without a question. " He has no 
thought of abandoning the continent," said Bute, in 
January ; " he is madder than ever." But Newcastle, 
clinging fondly to office, and aware of the purposes 
of the king, shrunk from sustaining the secretary, and 
professed himself most sincerely desirous of peace, 
most willing to go any length to obtain it. Pitt, on 
his part, never ceased to despise the feebleness, and 
never forgave the treachery of Newcastle. " They 
neither are nor can be united," said Bute ; and early 
in January, 1761, his friends urged him " to put him- 
self at the head, in a great office of business, and to 
take the lead." 

But Newcastle began also to be conscious of his 

own want of favor. He had complained to Bedford, 

whc despised him, " of the very little weight he had 

in the closet, and of the daily means used to let him 

have as little in the coming parliament, and talked of 


chap, resignation f then, conspiring against Pitt and sub* 
^^i mitting to every thing, lie remained at his post. In 
1761. the approaching election, he was thwarted in his 
desire to use for his own purposes his old system of 
corruption ; but of whatever he complained, it was 
answered, "The king had ordered it so." To the 
king's boroughs the king himself would name. Where 
a public order gave permission to the voters in the 
king's interest, to vote as they pleased, a private one 
was annexed, "naming the person for whom they 
were all to vote ;" and Newcastle was limited to those 
where the crown had only an influence. " The new 
Feb. parliament," said Bute, confidently, " will be the 
king's." George the Third began his reign by com- 
peting with the aristocracy at the elections for the 
majority in that body ; and in the choice of the 
twelfth parliament, his first effort was successful. 

Changes in the cabinet were preparing. From the 
opening of the new reign Holdernesse had been ready 
to quarrel with his fellow-ministers, and throw up in 
seeming anger, so that Bute might then come in with- 
out appearing to displace any one. But this was too 
foolish a scheme to be approved of. " It is very easy," 
thought the Favorite, in February, " to make the 
Duke of Newcastle resign, but who is to take it ?" He 
had not courage to aim at once at the highest station. 

March On the nineteenth of March, 1761, as the session 
closed, the eleventh parliament of Great Britain was 
dissolved. On the same day, to gratify a grudge of 
George the Third, conceived when Prince of Wales, 
Legge, the chancellor of the exchequer, was dismissed. 
When it was known that that officer was to be turned 
out, George Grenville, who piqued himself on his 


knowledge of finance, "expressed to his brother-in- chap. 


law his desire of the vacant place ; but Pitt took no ^~L 
notice of his wishes, upon which a coolness commenced 1T61, 
between them." "Fortune," exclaimed Barrington, 
on receiving the appointment, " may at last make me 
pope. I am equally fit to be at the head of the 
Church as of the exchequer. But no man knows 
what is good for him. My invariable rule, therefore, 
is, to ask nothing, to refuse nothing." He was willing 
to serve with any ministry, making the king's wish 
his only oracle. 

Two days later, the resignation of Holdernesse 
was purchased by a pension, with the reversion of the 
wardenship of the Cinque Ports for life ; and Bute, 
on the king's own recommendation, 1 accepting Charles 
Jenkinson, afterwards Earl of Liverpool, as his confi- 
dential secretary, took the seals for the Northern 

At the same time an office was given to Sir 
Francis Dashwood, the open and resolute opponent 
of Pitt's engagements with Germany; and Charles 
Townshend, described by Hume as "the cleverest 
fellow in England," celebrated for his knowledge of 
America, and his zeal for new-modelling its govern- 
ments, " swore allegiance to Bute," at least for a time, 
and was made secretary at war. He who holds that 
post is not a member of the cabinet, but rather the 
king's military secretary ; and, as such, is frequently 
admitted to the closet. Townshend was ever careful 
to cultivate the favor of his sovereign. He was, in 
parliament and in life, " for ever on the rack of exer- 

• That Jenkinson was recom- by Bute to the king, I have re- 
mended by the king to Bute, and ceived from private information of 
not, as is sometimes said, introduced the highest authority. 



chap, tion f of ill-regulated ambition ; unsteady in his polit- 
^^J, ical connections ; inclining always to the king, yet so 
1761. conscious of the power conferred on him in the House 
of Commons by his eloquence, as never to become the 
servant of the king's friends. Too able to be depend- 
ent, too indifferent to liberty to advocate it freely, he 
floated between the two parties, not from change of 
views, but because, from his nature and his convic- 
tions, he was attached sincerely to neither. 

In the House of Commons, Charles Townshend 
never feared to appear as the rival of the minister ; 
that there might also be in the cabinet one man who 
dared to stanci up against Pitt, contradict him, and 
oppose his measures, the Duke of Bedford, though 
without employment, was, by the king's command, 
summoned to attend its meetings. The Duke was 
indifferent to office, and incapable of guile ; as bold 
and as open as Pitt, and more regardless of conse- 
quences. Halifax, who had so long been trained 
at the Board of Trade to the assertion of the preroga- 
tive, was sent as Lord Lieutenant to carry out the 
system in Ireland ; while the patronage and chief cor- 
respondence with the American colonies were taken 
from the Board of Trade, and restored to the South- 
ern Department. 

These changes in the cabinet hastened the period 
of conflict with the colonies ; the course of negotia- 
tions for peace between England and France was 
still more momentous for America. 

" Since we do not know how to make war," said 
Choiseul, "we must make peace." Choiseul had 
succeeded Bernis, as the minister of foreign affairs ; 
in January, 1761, had, on the dealJi of Belle-Me, 


become minister of war, and soon annexed to these chap. 
departments the care of the marine. " It is cer- v_^J, 
tain," said Grimaldi, the Spanish ambassador at Paris, 1761. 
" they ardently wish for a negotiation for peace here." 
Kaunitz, of Austria, who might well believe that 
Silesia was about to be recovered for his sovereign, 
interposed objections. " We have these three years," 
answered Choiseul, " been sacrificing our interests in 
America to serve the queen of Hungary ; we can do longer." "France will not be bound by the 
will of her allies." * Spain saw with alarm the dispo- 
sition for peace ; she had demanded the evacuation of 
the British posts in the Bay of Honduras, and on the 
shore of Campeachy; and in the pride of maritime 
ascendency, England, violating treaties and its own 
recognition of its obligations, required that Spain 
should first come into stipulations for the continuance 
of the trade which had occasioned the intrusive settle- 
ments. Unwilling to be left to negotiate alone, Gri- 
maldi, urging the utmost secrecy, " began working to 
see if he could make some protecting alliance with 
France." " You have waited," he was answered, " till 
we are destroyed, and you are consequently of no use." 
And on the twenty-fifth day of March, within five 
days of Bute's accession to the cabinet, on occasion of 
proposing a general congress at Augsburg, for the 
pacification of the Continent, Choiseul offered to nego- 
tiate separately with England. Pitt assented. Little April 
did the two great statesmen foresee that their at- 
tempts at a treaty of peace would only generate per- 
manent passions and alliances, which would leave 

1 Flassan: vi. 377, 381. Grimaldi to Fuentes in Chatham Corres- 
pondence, ii. 92. 


chap. England without a friend in its coming contest with 
xvii. . ° . & 

^^ America. 

1761. Choiseul was, like Pitt, a statesman of consum- 
mate ability; but while Pitt overawed by the author- 
itative grandeur of his designs, the lively and indis- 
creet Choiseul had the genius of intrigue. He was 
by nature an agitator, and carried into the cabinet 
restless activity and the arts of cabal. Pitt treated 
all subjects with stateliness; Choiseul discussed the 
most weighty in jest. Of high rank and great wealth, 
he was the first person at court, and virtually the sole 
minister. Did the king's mistress, who had ruled his 
predecessor, interfere with affairs ? He would reply, 
that she was handsome as an angel, but throw her 
memorial into the fire ; and with railleries and sar- 
casms, he maintained his exclusive power by a clear 
superiority of spirit and resolution. 1 For personal 
intrepidity he was distinguished even among the 
French gentry, so remarkable for courage ; and as he 
carried the cabinet by his decided character, so he 
brought into the foreign politics of his country as 
daring a mind as animated any man in France or 
England. It was the judgment of Pitt, that he was 
the greatest minister France had seen since the days 
of Richelieu. In depth, refinement, and quick percep- 
tions, he had no superior; and his freedom from 
prejudice opened his mind and affections to the philo- 
sophic movement of his age. No motive of bigotry 
or antipathy could lead him to crush the power of 
Frederic, or to subject France to the influence of a 
state still overshadowed, like Austria, by the cum- 
brous forms and superstitions of the Middle Age. To- 

1 Stanley to Pitt. 


the Dauphin, who cherished the traditions of the past, chap. 
he said, " I may one day be your subject, your ser- vl^_ 
vant never." A free-thinker, an enemy to the cler- 1761. 
gy, and above all to the Jesuits, he united himself 1 pr 
closely with the parliaments, and seemed to know that 
public opinion was beginning to outweigh that of the 
monarch. Perceiving that America was lost to 
France, he proposed, as the basis of the treaty, that 
a the two crowns should remain each in the possession 
of what it had conquered from the other f and while 
he named epochs from which possession was to date 
in every continent, he was willing that England itself 
should suggest other periods. On this footing, which 
left all Canada, Senegal, perhaps Goree also, and 
the ascendency in the East Indies to England, and to 
France nothing but Minorca to exchange for her 
losses in the West Indies, all Paris believed peace to 
be certain. George the Third wished it from his 
heart ; and though Fuentes, the Spanish ambassador 
at London, irritated by the haughtiness of Pitt, 
breathed nothing but war, though the king of Spain 
proposed to France an alliance offensive and defen- 
sive, Choiseul, consulting the well-being of his ex- 
hausted country, sincerely desired repose. 

But the hardy and unaccommodating nature of Pitt, 
inflamed by success, was unfit for the work of recon- 
ciliation. He expected, and had led his countrymen 
to expect, that the marked superiority of England 
would be imprinted on the treaty of peace. He 
accepted as the basis, that each nation should retain 
its acquisitions ; but delayed the settlement of the 
epochs, till the fleet of one hundred and fifteen 
vessels, which had sailed on the very day of his 
answer to the proposition of Choiseul, could make the 


chap, conquest of the island of Belle-Isle. This is the 


w^-J great stain on the fame of "William Pitt. Every 
*%*h object of the war had been accomplished; but he 
insisted on its continuance for the purpose of making 
more extended acquisitions. England may forgive a 
lofty and impassioned attachment to her greatness: 
impartial history awards the palm to the tempered 
ambition of the young sovereign, who desired the 
purer glory of arresting victory by a reasonable 

"There may be quarrelling yet," predicted Gri- 
May. maldi. To further the negotiations, Bussy repaired 
to London, furnished with authority to offer bribes to 
members of the English cabinet ; x and the circumspect, 
distrustful Hans Stanley, who dared only reflect the 
will of his employer, made his way to Paris. But 
the frank haughtiness and inflexibility of Pitt were 
apparent from the beginning ; and Choiseul, deluding 
himself no more with belief in peace, employed the 
remaining years of his ministry to unite around France 
the defenders of the freedom of the seas. 
June. Still the negotiation continued, and subjects of 

detail were brought into discussion. Here the great- 
ness of Pitt appeared, in his quickness of perception, 
his comprehensiveness, and sagacity ; in the energy of 
his nervous, imperative dialectics, resting on exact 
information, and throwing light on the most abstruse 
questions. Concede that a continuance of the war 
was no crime against humanity, and the courage, 
sagacity, and prudent preparations of Pitt must extort 

1 Hassan: Hist, de la Diplomatic Era^aise, vi. 399. 


With regard to the German war, France proposed ohaf. 
that England, on recovering Hanover, should refrain ^^^ 
from interference. In favor of this policy a large 17 61. 
party existed in England itself, and had its head in une * 
the king, its open supporter in the Duke of Bedford. 
The king of Prussia, whose chances of ruin, even with 
the aid of England, were computed as three to one, 
knew that George the Third was indifferent to his 
interests and disliked his character ; and his ministers 
had reported that Bute and the British king would 
advise him to make peace by the sacrifice of territory. 
" How is it possible," such were the words addressed 
by Frederic 1 to Pitt, " how can the English nation 
propose to me to make cessions to my enemies ; that 
nation which has guarantied my possessions by au- 
thentic acts, known to the whole world ? I have not 
always been successful ; and what man in the universe 
can dispose of fortune ? Yet, in spite of the number 
of my enemies, I am still in possession of a part of 
Saxony, and I am firmly resolved never to yield it 
but on condition that the Austrians, the Russians, and 
the French shall restore to me every thing that they 
have taken from me. 

" I govern myself by two principles : the one is 
honor, and the other the interest of the State which 
Heaven has given me to rule. The laws which these 
principles prescribe to me are, first, never to do an 
act for which I should have cause to blush, if I were 
to render an account of it to my people ; and the 
second, to sacrifice for the welfare and glory of my 
country the last drop of my blood. With these 
maxims I can never yield to my enemies. Rome, 

* Chatham Corr., ii. 109, 111, without date. 
vol. iv. 34 


chap, after the battle of Cannae, — your great Queen Eliza- 
^^i beth, against Philip the Second and the invincible 
1761. armada, — Gustavus Vasa, who restored Sweden, — the 
Prince of Orange, whose magnanimity, valor, and 
perseverance founded the republic of the United 
Provinces, — these are the models I follow. You, who 
have grandeur and elevation of soul, disapprove my 
choice, if you can, 

u All Europe turns its eye on the beginning of the 
reign of kings, and by the first fruits infers the future. 
The king of England has but to elect, whether, in 
negotiating peace, he will think only of his own king- 
dom, or, preserving his word and his glory, he will 
also have care for the welfare of his allies. If he 
chooses the latter course, I shall owe him a lively 
gratitude ; and posterity, which judges kings, will 
crown him with benedictions." 

"Would to God," replied Pitt, "that the moments 
of anxiety for the states and the safety of the most 
invincible of monarchs were entirely passed away f 
and Stanley, in his first interview with Choiseul, 
avowed the purpose of England to support its great 
ally " with efficacy and good faith." But France had 
no motive to ruin Prussia ; a just regard for whose 
interests would have been no insurmountable obstacle 
to the peace. 

When France expressed a hope of recovering 
Canada, as a compensation for her German conquests, 
" They must not be put in the scale," said Pitt to 
Bussy. " The members of the Empire and your own 
allies will never allow you to hold one inch of ground 
in Germany. The whole fruit of your expeditions, 
after the immense waste of treasure and men, will be 
to make the house of Austria more powerful." " I 


wonder," said Choiseul to Stanley, " that your great chap 
Pitt should be so attached to the acquisition of ^^^ 
Canada. The inferiority of its population will never 1761. 
suffer it to be dangerous ; and being in the hands of 
France, it will always be of service to you to keep 
your colonies in that dependence which they will not 
fail to shake off, the moment Canada shall be ceded."" 1 
And he readily consented to abandon that province 
to England. 

The restitution of the merchant-ships, which the 
English cruisers had seized before the war, was justly 
demanded. They were afloat on the ocean, under 
every guaranty of safety ; they were the property of 
private citizens, who knew nothing and could know 
nothing of the diplomatic disputes of the two coun- 
tries. The capture was unjustifiable by every reason ■ 
of equity and public law. " The cannon," said Pitt, 
" has settled the question in our favor ; and in the 
absence of a tribunal, this decision is a sentence." 
" The last cannon has not yet been fired," retorted 
Bussy ; and destiny showed in the shadowy distance 
still other desperate wars between the nations for 
dominion and for equality on the seas. 

France desired to escape from the humiliating 
condition of demolishing the harbor of Dunkirk. 
" Since England has acquired the dominion of the 
seas," said Pitt to Bussy, u I myself fear Dunkirk but 
little; but the people regard its demolition as an 
eternal monument of the yoke imposed on France." 2 

Choiseul was ready to admit concessions with 
regard to Dunkirk, if France could retain a harbor in 
the Gulf of St. Lawrence, with the freedom of the 

1 Second Thoughts, or Observations upon Lord Abingdon's Thoughts. 
8 Hassan, vi. 403, 405. 


chap, fisheries. "Without these, he would himself decline 

XVII. . 

further negotiation. In those days, maritime power 
was thought to depend on the encouragement of the 
fisheries ; and to renounce them seemed like renounc- 
ing the power of manning a navy. Pitt refused 
the fisheries altogether. The union of France with 
Spain was the necessary consequence, and was pro- 
moted by the reduction of Belle-Isle. "You have 
effectually roused France in every part of it," wrote 
Keppel, in June, just after that success ; " they feel 
themselves so hurt and dishonored, that they will 
risk their ships and every thing to wipe it off." 1 
Towards such efforts Pitt looked in the proud se- 
renity of conscious strength ; and yet it was observed 
that he was becoming sombre and anxious f for his 
own king had prepared for him opposition in the 
July, " The peace which is offered," said Granville, the 

Lord President, " is more advantageous to England 
than any ever concluded with France, since King 
Henry the Fifth's time." " I pray to God," said Bed- 
ford to Bute, in July, "his majesty may avail himself 
of this opportunity of excelling in glory and magna- 
nimity the most famous of his predecessors, by giving 
his people a reasonable and lasting peace." Did any 
argue that efforts could be made during the summer 
from Belle-Isle? Bedford expected nothing, but 
" possibly the taking another island, or burning a few 
more miserable villages on the continent." 3 Did Pitt 
say, " Before December, I will take Martinico ?" 
"Will that," rejoined Bedford, "be the means of 
obtaining a better peace than we can command at 

1 Keppel to Pitt, 18 June, 1761. s Wiffen's House of Eussell, ii. 
8 Flassan, vi. 406. 468, 46'9, 470, 471. 


present, or induce the French to relinquish a right of chap. 
fishery ?" " Indeed," he pursued, with good judgment w^J. 
and good feeling, "the endeavoring to drive France 17gi« 
entirely out of any naval power is fighting against 
nature, and can tend to no one good to this country ; 
but, on the contrary, must excite all the naval powers 
in Europe to enter into a confederacy against us, 
as adopting a system of a monopoly of all naval 
power, dangerous to the liberties of Europe. . . . 
. . In case it shall be decided to carry on the 
war for another campaign, I," he added, " wash my 
hands from all the guilt of the blood that may be 

At the king's special request, Bedford attended 
the cabinet council of the twentieth of July, to dis- 
cuss the conditions of peace. All the rest who were 
present cowered before Pitt, in dread lest he should 
frown. Bedford " was the single man who dared to 
deliver an opinion contrary to his, though agreeable 
to every other person's sentiments." * u I," said New- 
castle, " envy him that spirit more than his great 
fortune and abilities." But the union between France 
and Spain was already so far consummated, that, in 
connection with the French memorial, Bussy had on 
the fifteenth of July presented a note, requiring Eng- 
land to afford no succour to the king of Prussia, and 
a private paper, demanding, on behalf of Spain, 
indemnity for seizures, the right to fish at Newfound- 
land, and the demolition of the English settlements in 
the Bay of Honduras. "These differences, if not 
adjusted, gave room," it was said, "to fear a fresh 
war in Europe and America." 

Rigby in Wiffen, ii. 472. See also Bedford Corr. 


chap- This note and this memorial, containing the men- 
• — , — ace of a Spanish war, gave Pitt the ascendency. To 
^^J 1 the private intercession of the king he yielded but a 
little, and in appearance only, on the subject of the 
fishery. u I was overruled," said he afterwards, " I 
was overruled, not by the foreign enemy, but by 
another enemy ;" and at the next council he presented 
his reply to Prance, not for deliberation, but accept- 
ance. Bute dared not express dissent, and as Bedford 
disavowed all responsibility and retired with indig- 
nant surprise, Pitt, with the unanimous consent of the 
cabinet, returned the memorials relative to Prussia 
and to Spanish affairs as wholly inadmissible; de- 
claring that the king " would not suffer the disputes 
with Spain to be blended in any manner whatever in 
the negotiations of peace between the two nations." 

On the twenty-ninth of July, Stanley, bearing 
the ultimatum of England, demanded Canada; the 
fisheries, with a limited and valueless concession to 
the French, and that only on the humiliating con- 
dition of reducing Dunkirk ; half the neutral islands, 
especially St. Lucia and Tobago ; Senegal and Goree, 
that, is, a monopoly of the slave-trade ; Minorca ; 
freedom to assist the king of Prussia; and British 
ascendency in the East Indies. The ministers of 
Aug. Spain and Austria could not conceal their exultation. 
" My honor," replied Choiseul to the English envoy, 
" will be the same fifty years hence as now ; I am as 
indifferent to my place as Pitt can be ; I admit with- 
■ out the least reserve the king's propensity to peace ; 
his Majesty may sign such a treaty as England de- 
mands, but my hand shall never be to that deed." 1 

1 Thackeray's Life of Chatham, ii. 580. 


And claiming the right to interfere in Spanish affairs, chap 
with the approbation of Spain, he submitted modifica- .^^ 
tions of the British offer. He still desired peace; 1 1761. 
but he already was convinced that Pitt would never 
agree to a reasonable treaty, and his only hope was in 

Thus far Pitt had encountered in the cabinet no 
avowed opposition except from Bedford. On this 
point the king and his friends made a rally, 2 and the 
answer to the French ultimatum, peremptorily reject- 
ing it and making the appeal to ¥ arms," 8 was adopted 
in the cabinet by a majority of but one voice. 
" Why," asked George, as he read it, " why were not 
words chosen in which all might have concurred?" 
and his agitation was such as he had never before 
shown. 4 The friends of Bedford mourned over the 
continuance of the war, and the danger of its in- 
volving Spain. " Pitt," said they, " does govern, not 
in the cabinet council only, but in the opinions of the 
people." Eigby forgot his country so far as to wish 
ill success to its arms ; 5 but with the multitude, the 
thirst for conquest was the madness of the times. 
Men applauded a war which was continued for no 
definite purpose whatever. 

But on the fifteenth of August, the very day on 
which Pitt despatched his abrupt declaration, Choiseul 
concluded that Family Compact 6 which was designed 
to unite all the branches of the House of Bourbon as 
a counterpoise to the maritime ascendency of Eng- ' 

1 Bussy to Pitt, 5 Aug., 1761. * Rigby 27 Aug. in Wiffen, ii. 

2 Wiffen's Russell, ii. 473. 473. 

8 Pitt to Bussy, 15 Aug., 1761. • Martens: Receuil, vi. 69. 
* Bute to Pitt, 14 Aug., 1761. 


chap. land. From the period of the termination of existing 
XVII. ... ■*■ . . • 

hostilities, France and Spain, in the whole extent of 

their dominions, were to stand towards foreign powers 
as one state. A war begun against one of the two 
crowns was to become the personal and proper war of 
the. other. No peace should be made but in common. 
In war and in peace, each should regard the interests 
of his ally as his own ; should reciprocally share 
benefits and losses, and make each other correspond- 
ing compensations. This is the famous treaty which 
secured to America in advance aid from the super- 
stitious, kind-hearted, and equitable Charles the Third 
of Spain. For that monarchy, which was the weaker 
power and more nearly insulated, having fewer points 
for collision in Europe and every thing at hazard in 
America, the compact was altogether unwise. We 
shall see presently, that, as its only great result in the 
history of the world, it placed the fleets of the 
European sovereign whose power was the most abso- 
lute, whose colonies were the most extended, on the 
side of a confederacy of republican insurgents in their 
struggle for independence. 

On the same fifteenth of August, and not without 
the knowledge of Pitt, France and Spain concluded a 
special convention, 1 by which Spain herself engaged 

1 Of this special convention Pitt to have escaped the notice of British 
was correctly informed. He knew, historians, with the exception of 
also, that the court of Spain want- Lord Mahon. In the edition of 
ed to gain time, till the fleet should Adolphus's History of England, 
arrive at Cadiz. Compare the let- published in 1840, that writer as- 
ters of Grimaldi to Fuentes, of Au- sumes that Pitt was misinformed, 
gust 31, and September 13, in and hazards the conjecture, that 
Chatham Correspondence, ii. 139- " the communication made to Mr. 
144, and the private note of Stan- Stanley was a refined piece of 
ley to Pitt, of September 2. finesse in the French ministry." — 

The existence of this special con- Adolphus, i. 46, note. Yet, in the 

vention, so well known to Pitt, and second edition of Flassan's His- 

so decisive of his policy, appears toire de la Diplomatie Francaise, 


to declare war against England, unless contrary to chap 
all expectation, peace should be concluded between 
France and England before the first day of May, 1762. 
Extending his eye to all the states interested in the 
rights of neutral flags, to Portugal, Savoy, Holland, 
and Denmark, Choiseul covenanted with Spain that 
Portugal should be compelled, and the others invited, 
to join the federative union " for the common advan- 
tage of all maritime powers." * 

Yet, still anxious for peace, and certain either to Sept. 
secure it or to place the sympathy of all Europe on 
the side of France, Choiseul resolved on a last " most 
ultimate" attempt at reconciliation by abundant con- 
cessions; and on the thirteenth day of September, 
just iive days after the youthful sovereign of Eng- 
land had taken as his consort the blue-eyed, con- 
siderate, but not very lovely German princess of 
Mecklenburg-Strelitz, — a girl of seventeen, who be- 
came well known as the parsimonious and correct 
Queen Charlotte, — Bussy presented the final proposi- 
tions of France. By Pitt, who was accurately ac- 
quainted with the special convention between France 

vi. 322-326, an abstract of the con- on war with that power, till he 
vention itself may be found. I en- had evidence in his possession, that 
deavored to obtain from the French Spain had already made itself a 
archives an authentic copy of the party to the war by a ratified treaty 
whole paper ; but was informed with France. The advice of Pitt 
that the document had been mis- on this occasion was alike wise and 
placed or lost. The allusion of Gri- just. The error comes from con- 
maldi, in his letter of September founding the Special Convention, 
13, " to the stipulations of the regulating the conditions on which 
treaty between the two courts," is an immediate war was to be con- 
also to the special convention ; ducted, with the General Treaty of 
though the editors of the Corre- alliance between the princes of the 
spondence of the Earl of Chatham, House of Bourbon. The last was 
in their comment on the passage, no ground for war; the first was 
refer it to the Family Compact. war itself. 

The accurate knowledge of this ' Article vi. and vii. of the Spe- 

transaction is essential to a vindica- cial Convention. Flassan, vi. 322, 

tion of the course pursued by Pitt 323. 
towards Spain. He did not insist 


chap, and Spain, they were received with disdainful indif- 

XVII. . 

^^i ference. A smile of irony, and a few broken words, 
1761. were his only answer ; and when the negotiation was 
broken off, Pitt said plainly, that his own demands 
throughout had been made in earnest. " If I had been 
the master," he added, " I should not have gone so far ; 
the propositions which France finds too severe, would 
have appeared too favorable to a great part of the 
English nation." l 

A war with Spain could no longer be avoided by 
England. To the proposal for " the regulation of the 
privilege of cutting logwood by the subjects of Great 
Britain," the Catholic King replied through Wall, his 
minister, by a despatch which reached England on 
the thirteenth of September. " The evacuation of the 
logwood establishments is offered, if his Catholic 
Majesty will assure to the English the logwood ! He 
who avows that he has entered another man's house 
to seize his jewels says, 'I will go out of your house, if 
you will first give me what I am come to seize.' " Pitt's 
anger was inflamed at the comparison of England 
with house-breakers and robbers; and his vehement 
will became " more overbearing and impracticable" 
than ever. He exulted in the prospect of benefits to 
be derived to his country, and glory to be acquired 
for his own name, in every zone and throughout the 
globe. With one hand he prepared to "smite the 
whole family of Bourbons, and wield in the other the 
democracy of England." 2 His eye penetrated futuri- 
ty ; the vastest schemes flashed before his mind, — to 
change the destinies of continents, and mould the for- 
tunes of the world. He resolved to seize the remain- 

1 Flassan, vi. 445. 8 Grattan's Character of Pitt. 



ing French islands, especially Martinico ; and to con- chap. 
quer Havana. " You must take Panama," 1 he ex- ^^ 
claimed, to a general officer. The Philippine islands 1761. 
were next to fall ; and the Spanish monopoly in the 
New World to be broken at one blow and for ever 
by a " general resignation of all Spanish America, in 
all matters which might be deemed beneficial to 
Great Britain." 1 

But humanity had reserved to itself a different 
mode of extricating Spanish America from colonial 
monopoly. On the eighteenth day of September, 
Pitt, joined only by his brother-in-law, the Earl of 
Temple, submitted to the cabinet his written advice 
to recall Lord Bristol, the British ambassador, from 
Madrid. At three several meetings, the question was 
discussed. "From prudence, as well as spirit," af- 
firmed the secretary, " we ought to secure to ourselves 
the first blow. If any war can provide its own re- 
sources, it must be a war with Spain. Their flota has 
not arrived ; the taking it disables their hands and 
strengthens ours." Bute, speaking the opinion of the 
king, was the first to oppose the project as rash and 
ill-advised ; Granville wished not to be precipitate ; 
Temple supported Pitt ; Newcastle was neuter. Dur- 
ing these discussions, all classes of the people of Eng- 
land were gazing at the pageant of the coronation, or 
relating to each other how the king, kneeling before 
the altar in Westminster Abbey, .with piety formal 
but sincere, reverently put off his crown, as he re- 
ceived the sacrament from the archbishop. A second 
meeting of the cabinet was attended by all the minis* 
ters; they heard Pitt explain correctly the private 

1 Chatham Anecdotes, i. 366. Choisenl in his later Correspondence 
says he was aware of Pitt's Plans. 


chap, convention by which Spain had bound itself to declare 

XVII . ... 

^_ war against Great Britain in the following May, but 
1761. they came to no decision. At a third meeting all the 
great Whig lords objected, having combined with the 
favorite to drive the great representative of the peo- 
ple from power. Newcastle and Hardwicke, Devon- 
shire and Bedford, even Ligonier and Anson, as well 
as Bute and Mansfield, assisted in his defeat. Pitt, 
with his brother-in-law Temple, stood alone. Stung 
by the opposition of the united oligarchy, Pitt remem- 
bered how he made his way into the cabinet, and 
what objects he had steadily pursued. " This" — he ex- 
claimed to his colleagues, summoning up all his haugh- 
tiness as he bade defiance to the aristocracy and ap- 
pealed from them to the country which his inspiring 
influence had rescued from disgrace, — "This is >the 
moment for humbling the whole House of Bourbon ; 
if I cannot in this instance prevail, this shall be the 
last time I will sit in this council. Called to the 
ministry by the voice of the people, to whom I con- 
ceive myself accountable for my conduct, I will not 
remain in a situation which makes me responsible for 
measures I am no longer allowed to guide." " If the 
right honorable gentleman," replied Granville, " be 
resolved to assume the right of directing the opera- 
tions of the war, to what purpose are we called to this 
council ? When he talks of being responsible to the 
people, he talks the language of the House of Com- 
mons, and forgets that at this board he is responsible 
only to the king." 1 

The Duke of Newcastle was never seen in higher 

1 Annual Register, iv. 42. Hist. Minority. Walpole's George III , 
iv. 144. Adolphus, i. 44. 


spirits, 1 than on this occasion. His experienced hand 2 chap 
had been able to mould and direct events so as to ^^ 
thwart the policy of Pitt by the concerted junction of 1761 
Bute and all the great "Whig Lords. The minister 
attributed his defeat not so much to the king and Bute 
as to Newcastle and feedford ; yet the king was him- 
self a partner in the conspiracy ; and as he rejected 
the written advice that Pitt and Temple had given 
him. the man "whose 8 august presence overawed 
majesty," resolved to resign. 

On Monday, the fifth day of October, "William 
Pitt, now venerable from years and glory, the greatest 
minister of his century, one of the few very great 
men of his age, among orators the only peer of 
Demosthenes, the man without title or fortune, who, 
finding England in an abyss of weakness and dis- 
grace, conquered Canada and the Ohio valley and 
Guadaloupe, and sustained Prussia from annihilation, 
humbled Prance, gained the dominion of the seas, 
won supremacy in Hindostan, and at home vanquished 
faction, stood in the presence of George to resign his 
power. It was a moment to test the self-possession 
and manly vigor of the young and inexperienced king. 
He received the seals with ease and firmness, without 
requesting that Pitt should resume his office ; yet he 
manifested concern for the loss of so valuable a min- 
ister, approved his past services, and made him an 
unlimited offer of rewards. At the same time, he ex- 
pressed himself satisfied with the opinion of the 
majority of his council, and declared he should have 
found himself under the greatest difficulty how to 

1 Sir George Oolebrooke's Me- 2 Pitt to Nuthall, in Chatham 
moirs in a note to Walpole's Geo. Corr. ii. 345. 
III., i. 82. 3 Grattan's Character of Pitt. 

vol. iv. 35 


c g$ft- have acted, had that council concurred as fully in 
— rs supporting the measure proposed, as they had done 
Oct. * in rejecting it. The Great Commoner began to reply ; 
but the anxious and never ceasing application, which 
his post as the leading minister had required, com- 
bined with repeated and nearly fatal attacks of hered- 
itary disease, had completely shattered his constitu- 
tion, and his nervous system was becoming tremulous 
and enfeebled. " I confess, Sir," said he, " I had but 
too much reason to expect your Majesty's displeasure. 
I did not come prepared for this exceeding goodness ; 
pardon me, Sir, it overpowers me, it oppresses me ; " 
and the man who by his words and his spirit had re- 
stored his country's affairs, and lifted it to unprece- 
dented power and honor, to extended dominion and 
proud self-reliance, burst into tears. 1 On the next 
day, the king seemed impatient to bestow some mark 
of favor ; and as Canada had been acquired by the 
ability and firmness of his minister, he offered him 
that government, with a salary of five thousand 
pounds. But Pitt, whose proud hardihood never 
blenched in the presence of an adversary, had a heart 
that overflowed with fond affection for his wife and 
children. The state of his private affairs was distressed 
in consequence of the exemplary disinterestedness of 
his public conduct. " I should be doubly happy," he 
avowed, " could I see those dearer to me than myself 
comprehended in that monument of royal approba- 
tion and goodness." A peerage, therefore, was con- 
ferred on lady Hester, his wife, with a grant of three 
thousand pounds on the plantation duties, to be paid 
annually during the lives of herself, her husband and 

x Annual Kegister for 1761. — The Grenville Papers, I. 413. 


her eldest son. And these marks of the royal appro- ci- 
tation, very moderate in comparison with his merits, ' — r^ 
if indeed those merits had not placed him above all Oct. 
rewards, were accepted "with veneration and grati- 
tude." Thus he retired, having destroyed the balance 
of the European colonial system by the ascendency 
of England, confirmed the implacable hostility of 
France and Spain to his country, and impaired his 
own popularity by accepting a pension and surren- 
dering his family as hostages to the aristocracy. 




1761— 1762. 
chap. Lord Barrington, who was but an echo of the 


v-v-J opinions of the king, approved the resignation of Pitt, 
1761. ^ "important" and "fortunate;" Dodington, now 
raised to the peerage as the ostentatious and childless 
Lord Meleombe, " wished Bute joy of being delivered 
of a most impracticable colleague, his Majesty of a 
most imperious servant, and the country of a most 
dangerous minister." But Bute at the moment had 
misgivings ; for he saw that his own " situation was 
become more perilous." 

The Earl of Egremont, Pitt's successor, was a son 
of the illustrious Windham, of a Tory family, himself 
both weak and passionate, and of infirm health; 
George Grenville, the husband of his sister, renounced 
well-founded aspirations to the speaker's chair for a 
sinecure, and, remaining in the ministry, still agreed 
" to do his best" in the House ; while Bedford became 
Lord Privy Seal. 

Peace was an immediate object of the king ; and 
as the letters of Bristol, the English minister at Ma- 


drid, promised friendly relations with Spain, the Mng chap. 
directed, that, through Fuentes, the Spanish ambassa- ^^, 
dor at London, 'the French court should be invited to 1761. 
renew its last propositions. " It is only with a second 
Pitt," said Choiseul, " that I should dare to treat on 
such offers. War is the only part to be chosen. Firm- 
ness and patience will not build ships for us ; but they 
will give us a triumph over our enemies." As the 
weeks rolled on, and the Spanish treasure ships ar- 
rived, Spain used bolder language, and before the 
year was over, a rupture with that power was un- 

Yet peace was still sought with perseverance ; for 
it was the abiding purpose of the young sovereign to 
assert and maintain the royal authority in Great 
Britain, in Ireland, and in America. u I was bred and 
will die a monarchy man," said Melcombe, who was 
to Bute what Bute was to George the Third ; " men 
of the city are not to demand reasons of measures ; 
they must and they easily may be taught better man- 
ners." " He is the best and most amiable master that 
ever lived since the days of Titus," said Barrington of 
the Mng, to whom he devoted himself entirely ; hav- 
ing no political connection with any man, joining those 
who declared that it was for the king alone to con- 
sider whom he should raise to his council, or whom 
he should exclude for ever from his closet : God had 
adorned him with the prerogative, and left to his ser- 
vants the glory of obedience. " Cost what it may," 
wrote Halifax, the Lord Lieutenant, from Ireland, 
u my good royal master's authority shall never suffer 
in my hands;" and the measures for reducing the 
colonies also to obedience were in like manner vigor- 
ously prosecuted. 



chap. America knew that the Board of Trade had pro- 


^^J posed to annul colonial charters, to reduce all the col- 
IV 61. onies to royal governments, and to gain a revenue by 
, lowering and collecting the duties prescribed by the 
Sugar Act of 1733. She knew, that, if the British 
legislature should tax her people, it would increase the 
fees and salaries of the crown officers in the planta- 
tions, and the pensions and sinecure places held by 
favorites in England. The legislature of Massachu- 
setts still acknowledged that "their own resolve could 
not alter an act of parliament," and that every pro- 
ceeding of theirs which was in conflict with a British 
statute was for that reason void. And yet the jus- 
tice of the restrictions on trade was denied, and their 
authority questioned; and when the officers of the 
customs asked for " writs of assistance" to enforce 
them, the colony regarded its liberties in peril. This 
is the opening scene of American resistance. 1 It began 
in New England, and made its first battle-ground in 
a court-room. A lawyer of Boston, with a tongue of 
flame and the inspiration of a seer, stepped forward 
to demonstrate that all arbitrary authority was uncon- 
stitutional and against the law. 

In February, 1761, Hutchinson, the new chief jus- 
tice, and his four associates, sat in the crowded council- 
chamber of the old Town-House in Boston, to hear 
arguments on the question, whether the persons em- 
ployed in enforcing the Acts of Trade should have 
power to invoke generally the assistance of all the 
executive officers of the colony. 

A statute of Charles the Second, argued Jeremiah 
Gridley for the crown, allows writs of assistance to 

1 John Adams to the Abbe Mably. Works v. 492. 


be issued by the English Court of Exchequer ; a colo- chap. 
nial law devolves the power of that court on the ^^S 
Colonial Superior Court ; and a statute of "William the 1761. 
Third extends to the revenue officers in America like 
powers, and a right to a like assistance," as in Eng- 
land. To refuse the writ is, then, to deny that " the 
parliament of Great Britain is the sovereign legislator 
of the British empire." 

Oxenbridge Thacher, who first rose in reply, rea- 
soned mildly, wisely, and with learning, showing that 
the rule of the English courts was in this case not 
applicable to America. 

But James Otis, a native of Barnstable, whose 
irritable nature was rocked by the stormy impulses of 
his fitful passions, disdaining fees or rewards, stood up 
amidst the crowd, the champion of the colonies and 
the prophet of their greatness. " I am determined," 
such were his words, " to sacrifice estate, ease, health, 
applause, and even life, to the sacred calls of my 
country," " in opposition to a kind of power, the exer- 
cise of which cost one king of England his head and 
another his throne." He pointed out the nature of 
writs of assistance ; that they were " universal, being 
directed to all officers and subjects" throughout the 
colony, and compelling the whole government and 
people to render aid in enforcing the revenue laws for 
the plantations ; that they were perpetual, no method 
existing by which they could be returned or account- 
ed for ; that they gave even to the menial servants 
employed in the customs, on bare suspicion, without 
oath, without inquiry, perhaps from malice or revenge, 
authority to violate the sanctity of a man's own house, 
in which the laws should be as the impregnable bat- 
tlements of his castle. " These writs," he exclaimed, 


chap. " are the worst instrument of arbitrary power, the 
Wr ^ most destructive of English liberty and the fundamen- 
1761. tal principles of law." And he invoked attention to 
the whole range of an argument which " might," he 
acknowledged, " appear uncommon in many things," 
and which rested on universal " principles, founded in 
truth." Tracing the lineage of freedom to its origin, 
he opposed the claims of the British officers by the 
authority of a reason ;" and that they were at war 
with " the constitution" he proved by appeals to the 
charter of Massachusetts and its English liberties. 
The precedent cited against him belonged to the reign 
of Charles the Second, and was but evidence of the 
subserviency of some " ignorant clerk of the exche- 
quer." But even if there were precedents, " all pre- 
cedents," he insisted, " are under the control of the 
principles of law." Nor could the authority of an 
express statute sanction the enforcement of Acts of 
Trade by general writs of assistance. "No act of 
parliament," such were his memorable words, u can 
establish such a writ ; even though made in the very 
language of the petition, it would be a nullity. . . . 
An act of parliament against the constitution is void." * 

1 Authorities to be relied on for the speech, which I give in the 
this speech of Otis are the con- text, goes to that extent, and in- 
temporary ones: 1. The minutes eludes the revolutionary doctrine 
taken down at the time, and insert- ultimately relied on, which esteem- 
ed in Minot, and now published ed reason and the constitution su- 
more correctly in the appendix to perior to an act of parliament. In 
the Diary of John Adams, 523, his extreme old age, the elder 
524: 2. Various incidental allu- Adams was asked for an analysis 
eions in letters of Bernard; 3. Let- of this speech, which was four or 
ters of Hutchinson ; and 4. The five hours long. He answered, 
History of Hutchinson, of which that no man could have written 
the plan was formed as early, at the argument from memory " the 
least, as in 1762. All agree, parti- day after it was spoken," much 
cularly the letters of Hutchinson, less " after a lapse of fifty-seven 
that this argument by Otis was the years!" And he then proceeded 
origin of the party of revolution to compose a series of letters on 
in Massachusetts. The account of the subject, filling thirty-three 



Tims did Otis lay a foundation for independence. His 
words were as a penetrating fire, kindling the souls of 
his hearers. The majority of the judges were awe- 1761 
struck, and believed him in the right. Hutchinson 
cowered before him, as " the great incendiary" of New 
England. The crowded audience seemed ready to 
take up arms against the arbitrary enforcement of the 
restrictive system; especially the youngest barrister 
in the colony, the choleric John Adams, a stubborn 
and honest lover of his country, extensively learned 
and a bold thinker, listened in rapt admiration, and 
caught the inspiration which was to call forth his own 

closely-printed octavo pages. Com- 
paring these letters with letters 
written at or near the time, I am 
obliged to think that the venerable 
man blended together his recollec- 
tions of the totality of the influ- 
ence and doctrines of Otis, as de- 
veloped on various occasions during 
the years 1761, 1762, 1763, 1764, 
and 1765, and even 1766. It is 
plain that his statement was pre- 
pared by aid of references to the 
British statute book and to printed 
documents. Thus, Appendix to 
Novanglus, p. 294, he quotes seve- 
ral laws, and adds, "I cannot 
search for any more of these minc- 
ing laws." Again, he asserts that 
the " warm" speech of 1762 was 
a second edition of the speech on 
" the writs of assistance." But of 
that warm speech Otis himself pub- 
lished a report which ma^ be read 
and compared. Further : the doc- 
trine of the virtual representation 
of America in the British parlia- 
ment does not seem to have come 
into public discussion till the win- 
ter of 1763-4; and Bernard ex- 
pressly writes, that the power of 
parliament to levy port-duties had 
not been questioned or denied in 
Boston till the year 1764. On 
page 294, Mr. Otis is said to have 

quoted, in 1761, a remark first made 
by a member of parliament in 1766. 
" The principle," says Mr. Adams, 
"I perfectly remember. The au- 
thorities in detail I could not be 
supposed to retain." I own I 
have had embarrassment in adjust- 
ing these authorities; but, after 
research and deliberation, adhering 
strictly to the rules of historical 
skepticism, weighing the accounts 
of contemporaries written at the 
time, I will trust that my narrative 
conveys with precision the scope of 
the remarks of Otis. The truth, 
for which there is clear evidence, is 
sufficient for illustrating his glory 
and for establishing his momentous 
influence. A protest against negro 
slavery seems not to have been ut- 
tered on that occasion ; but he pro- 
nounced such a protest in a later 
year, as will be related in its place. 
My readers must pardon this long 
note, which is prompted by my 
great anxiety and care to make 
statements exactly right, and to 
have them so recognised. In nar- 
rating the incidents which are of 
universal interest, I desire to escape 
exaggeration, and yet not from tim- 
idity to divest any fact of its proper 


chap, heroic opposition to British authority. From that 
^^S time he declares that he could never read the Acts of 
1761. Trade without anger, "nor any section of them with- 
out a curse." * The people of the town of Boston, a 
small provincial seaport of merchants and ship-build- 
ers, with scarcely fifteen thousand inhabitants, became 
alive with political excitement. It seemed as if the 
words spoken on that day were a spell powerful 
enough to break the paper chains that left to- America 
no free highway on the seas but that to England, and 
to open for the New World all the infinite paths of 
the ocean. Nay, more ! As reason and the constitu- 
tion are avowed to be paramount to the power of 
the British parliament, America becomes conscious of 
a life of her own. She sees in dim outlines along the 
future the vision of her own independence, with free- 
dom of commerce and self-imposed laws. Her under- 
standing is not yet enlightened and convinced, but 
her sentiments are just. Not from the intellect, 

"Out of the heart, 
Kises the bright ideal of that dream." 2 

The old members of the Superior Court, after 
hearing the arguments of Thacher and Otis, the 
" friends to liberty," inclined to their side. " But I," 
said the ambitious Hutchinson, who never grew 
weary of recalling to the British ministry this claim 
to favor, " I prevailed with my brethren to continue 
the cause till the next term, and in the mean time 
wrote to England." The answer came ; and the, sul*- 
servient court, obeying authority, and disregarding 

1 John Adams to Wm. Tudor, in * Longfellow's Spanish Student 
Appendix to Novanglus, 269. 


law, granted writs of assistance, whenever the officers chap. 
of the revenue applied for them. 1 — ^ 


But Otis was borne onward by a spirit which 
mastered him, and increased in vigor as the storm 
rose. Gifted with a delicately sensitive and most 
sympathetic nature, his soul was agitated in the 
popular tempest as certainly as the gold leaf in the 
electrometer nutters at the passing by of the thunder- 
cloud. He led the van of American patriots. Yet 
impassioned rather than cautious, disinterested and in- 
capable of cold calculation, now foaming with rage, 
now plaintive without hope, he was often like one 
who, as he rushes into battle, forgets his shield. Ex- 
citable and indulging in vehement personal crimina- 
tions, he yet had not a drop of rancor in his breast, 
and, when the fit of passion had passed away ? was 
mild and easy to be entreated. His impulses were 
always for liberty, and full of confidence ; yet his un- 
derstanding, in moments of depression, would often 
shrink back from his own inspirations. He never met 
an excited audience, but his mind caught and in- 
creased the contagion, and rushed onward with fervid 
and impetuous eloquence ; but when quieted by re- 
tirement, and away from the crowd, he could be 
soothed into a yielding inconsistency. Thus he toiled 
and suffered, an uncertain leader of a party, yet thrill- 
ing and informing the multitude; not steadfast in 
conduct, yet by flashes of sagacity lighting the people 
along their perilous way ; the man of the American 
protest, not destined to enjoy his country's triumph. 
He that will study closely the remarkable union 

1 Bernard to Shelburne, 22 Dec, 1766. 


chap, in Otis of legal learning with speculative opinion, 

^lj of principles of natural justice the most abstract 

1761. and the most radical, with a deeply-fixed respect for 

the rights of property and obedience to the law, will 

become familiar with a cast of mind still common in 

New England. 

The subserviency of Hutchinson increased the 
public discontent. Men lost confidence in the in- 
tegrity df their highest judicial tribunal. Innovations 
under pretence of law were confirmed by judg- 
ments incompatible with English liberties. The Ad- 
miralty Court, hateful because instituted by a British 
parliament to punish infringements of the Acts of 
Trade in America without the intervention of a jury, 
had in distributing the proceeds of forfeitures, vio- 
lated the very statutes which it was appointed to 
enforce. Otis endeavored to compel a restitution of 
the third of forfeitures, which by the revenue laws be- 
longed to the king for the use of the province, but had* 
been misappropriated for the benefit of officers and in- 
formers. 1 " The injury done the province" was ad- 
mitted by the chief justice, who yet had no jurisdiction 
to redress it. The Court of Admiralty, in which the 
wrong originated, had always been deemed grievous, 
because unconstitutional; its authority seemed now 
established by judges devoted to the prerogative. 

Unable to arrest the progress of illiberal doctrines 
in the courts, the people of Boston, in May, 1761, 
with unbounded and very general enthusiasm, elected 
Otis one of their representatives to the Assembly. 
" Out of this," said Buggies to the royalist Chandler, 
of Worcester, "a faction will arise that will shake 

1 Gov. Bernard to Lords of Trade, 6 August, 1761. Boston Gazette, 
14 Sept., 1769. Bernard to Shelburne, 22 Dec., 1766. 


this province to its foundation." Bernard became chap. 

. • XVIII. 

alarmed, and concealing his determined purpose of v-^J 
effecting a change in the charter of the colony, he 1761. 
entreated the new legislature to lay aside " divisions 
and distinctions." " Let me recommend to you," said 
he, " to give no attention to declamations tending to 
promote a suspicion of the civil rights of the people 
being in danger. Such harangues might well suit in 
the reigns of Charles and James, but in the times of 
the Georges they are groundless and unjust." Thus 
he spoke, regardless of truth ; for he knew well the 
settled policy of the Board of Trade, and was 
secretly the most eager instrument in executing their 
designs ; ever restless to stimulate them to encroach- 
ments that should destroy the charter and efface 
the boundaries of the province. 

Massachusetts invalidated the British commercial 
system, which Virginia resisted from abhorrence of 
the slave-trade. Never before had England pursued 
the traffic in negroes with such eager avarice. The 
remonstrances of philanthropy and of the colonies were 
unheeded, and categorical instructions from the Board 
of Trade kept every American port open as markets 
for men. The legislature of Virginia had repeatedly 
showed a , disposition to obstruct the commerce ; a 
deeply-seated public opinion began more and more to 
avow the evils and the injustice of slavery itself; and 
in 1761, it was proposed to suppress the importation 
of Africans by a prohibitory duty. Among those 
who took part in the long and violent debate was 
Richard Henry Lee, the representative of Westmore- 
land. Descended from one of the oldest families in 
Virginia, he had been educated in England, and had 

vol. iv. 36 


chap, returned to his native land familiar with the spirit of 

XVIII . - 

^^^ Grotius and Cud worth, of Locke and Montesquieu; 

3 761. his first recorded speech was against negro slavery, in 
behalf of human freedom. In the continued importa- 
tion of slaves, he foreboded danger to the political 
and moral interests of the Old Dominion ; an increase 
of the free Anglo-Saxons, he argued, would foster arts 
and varied agriculture, while a race doomed to abject 
bondage was of necessity an enemy to social happi- 
ness. He painted from ancient history the horrors of 
servile insurrections. He deprecated the barbarous 
atrocity of the trade with Africa, and its violation of 
the "equal rights of men created like ourselves in the 
image of God. " Christianity," thus he spoke in con- 
clusion, " by introducing into Europe the truest prin- 
ciples of universal benevolence and brotherly love, 
happily abolished civil • slavery. Let us who profess 
the same religion practise its precepts, and, by agree- 
ing to this duty, pay a proper regard to our true 
interests and to the dictates of justice and human- 
ity." 1 The tax for which Lee raised his voice was 
carried through the Assembly of Virginia by a ma- 
jority of one ; but from England a negative followed 
with certainty every colonial act tending to diminish 
the slave-trade. 

South Carolina, also, appalled by the. great in- 
crease of its black population, endeavored by its own 
laws to restrain importations of slaves, and in like 
manner came into collision with the same British 
policy. But the war with the Cherokees weaned its 
citizens still more from Great Britain. 

1 Lee's Lee, chap. ii. 


" I am for war," said Saloue, the young warrior of chap. 
Estatoe, at a great council of his nation. " The ^~^ 
spirits of our murdered brothers still call on us to 1761. 
avenge them ; he that will not take up this hatchet 
and follow me is no better than a woman." To 
reduce the native mountaineers of Carolina, General 
Amherst, early in 1761, sent a regiment and two 
companies of light infantry, under Lieutenant-Colonel 
James Grant, the same who, in 1758, had been 
shamefully beaten near Pittsburg. The province 
added to the regular forces a regiment of its own, 
under the command of Henry Middleton, who counted 
among his officers Henry Laurens, William Moultrie, 1 
and Francis Marion. 

At Fort Prince George, Attakulla-kulla met the 
expedition, entreating delay for a conference. But on 
the seventh day of June, the army, which was formed 
of about thirteen hundred regulars, and as many more 
of the men of Carolina, pursued their march, followed 
by about seven hundred pack-horses, and more than 
four hundred cattle. A party of Chickasaws and 
Catawbas attended as allies. On the eighth, they 
marched through the dreaded denies of War- Woman's 
Creek, 2 by a rocky and very narrow path between 
the overhanging mountain of granite and a deep pre- 
cipice which had the rushing rivulet at its base. Yet 
they came upon no trace of the enemy, till, on the 
next day, they saw by the way-side, crayoned in April 
vermilion on a blazed forest-tree, a war-party of 
1 Cherokee braves, with a white man as a captive. 

On the morning of the tenth, at about half past 
eight, as the English army, having suffered from 

1 Moultrie's Memoirs of the Amer- 2 Virginia Gazette, 554, 2, 2. 
ican Revolution, ii. 223. 


chap, forced marches and rainy weather, were walking 

XVIII . • o 

^^L through thick woods on the bank of the Cowhowee, 
1761. or, as we call it, the Little Tennessee, about two miles 
from the battle-ground of Montgomery, at a place 
where the path runs along the foot of a mountain on 
the right, and near the river on the left, the Chero- 
kees were discovered hovering over the right flank, 
while others fired from beyond the river. Quintine 
Kennedy, with a corps of ninety Indians and thirty 
Carolina woodsmen, began the attack. The unseen 
enemy were driven from their ambush near the river, 
but again rallied, mingling the noise of musketry with 
shouts and yells. After three hours' exposure to an 
irregular fire, the troops, following the river, emerged 
from the defile into an open savanna. Meantime the 
Indian whoop was heard as it passed from the front 
to the encumbered rear of the long-extended line, 
where the Cherokee fire seemed heaviest ; but Mid- 
dleton sent opportune relief, which secured the bag- 
gage. Happily for Grant, the Cherokees were in 
great need of ammunition. Of the white men, ten 
were killed and forty badly wounded; to save the 
dead from the scalping-knife, the river was their place 
of burial. Not till midnight did the army reach its 
place of encampment at Etchowe. 

For thirty days the whites sojourned west of the 
Alleghanies. They walked through every town in 
the middle settlement ; and the Outside Towns, 
which lay on another branch of the Tennessee. The 
lovely hamlets, fifteen in number, were pillaged, 
burned, and utterly destroyed. That year the Chero- 
kees had opened new fields for maize, not in the vales 
only, but on the sides and summits of the hills, where 
the fugitives from the lower settlements were to make 


their bread. But all the plantations, teeming with en a p. 
prodigious quantities of corn, were laid waste ; and ^^_j 
four thousand of the red people were driven to wan- 1 7 6 1 . 
der among the mountains. 

The English army, till its return in July to Fort 
Prince George, suffered from heat, thirst, watchiugs, 
and fatigue of all sorts ; in bad weather they had no 
shelter but boughs and bowers ; for twenty days they 
were on short allowance ; their feet were torn by 
briers and mangled by the rocks ; but they extended 
the English frontier seventy miles towards the west; 
and they compelled the Cherokees to covenant peace, 
at Charleston, with the royal governor and council. 
" I am come to you," said Attakulla-kulla, " as a mes- 
senger from the whole nation, to see what can be done 
for my people in their distress." Here he produced 
the belts of wampum from the several towns, in 
token of his investment with full authority from all. 
" As to what has happened," he added, " I believe 
it has been ordered by our Great Father above. "We 
are of different color from the white people ; but the 
same Great Spirit made all. As we live in one land, 
let us love one another as one people." And the 
Cherokees pledged anew to Carolina the friendship, 
which was to last as long as the light of morning 
should break above their villages, or the bright foun- 
tains gush from their hill-sides. 1 Then they re- 
turned to dwell once more in their ancient homes. 
Around them nature, with the tranquillity of exhaust- 
less power, renewed her beauty; the forests blos- 
somed as before; the thickets were alive with mel- 
ody ; the rivers bounded exultingly in their course ; 

1 Lieut. Gov. Bull to the Lords of Trade, 23 Sept., 1761. Terms of 
Peace for the Cherokees, in the Lords of Trade, of 11 Dec., 1761. 



chap, the glades sparkled with the strawberry and the wild 
^^J, flowers ; but for the men of that region the inspiring 
1761. confidence of independence in their mountain fast- 
nesses was gone. They knew that they had come 
into the presence of a race more powerful than their 
own ; and the course of their destiny was irrevocably 

In these expeditions to the valley of the Ten- 
nessee, Gadsden and Middleton, Moultrie and Marion, 
were trained to arms. At Pittsburg, the Virginians, 
as all agreed, had saved Grant from utter ruin ; the 
Carolinians believed his return from their western 
country was due to provincial courage. The Scottish 
colonel concealed the wound of his self-love by affect- 
ing towards the Southern colonists that contemptuous 
superciliousness which had been promoted by Mont- 
gomery, and which had so infused itself into the Brit- 
ish nation, that it even colored the writings of Adam 
Smith. Resenting the arrogance with scorn, Middle- 
ton challenged his superior officer, and they met. 
The challenge was generally censured ; for Grant had 
come to defend their frontiers ; but all the province 
took part in the indignant excitement, and its long- 
cherished affection for England was mingled with dis- 
gust and anger. 

The discontent of New York sprang from a cause 
which influenced the calmest minds, and was but 
strengthened and extended by deliberate reflection. 
It was not because the Episcopal clergy of that 
colony urged Seeker, Archbishop of Canterbury, to 
promote the abrogation of provincial charters; for 
the correspondence was concealed. It was not be- 
cause they importunately demanded "bishops in 


America," as was their duty, if they sincerely be- chap. 
lieved that renovating truth is transmitted from gene- _^ 
ration to generation, not through the common mind of 1761. 
the ages, but through a separate order having perpe- 
tual succession ; for, on this point, the British min- 
istry .was disinclined to act, while the American people 
were alarmed at Episcopacy only from its connection 
with politics. New York was aroused to opposition, 
because, as the first fruits of 'the removal of Pitt from 
power, within six weeks of his resignation, 1 the inde- 
pendency of the judiciary was struck at 2 throughout 
all America, making revolution inevitable. 

On the death of the chief justice of New York, 
his successor, one Pratt, a Boston lawyer, was ap- 
pointed at the king's pleasure, and not during good 
behavior, as had been done " before the late king's 
death." The Assembly held the new tenure of judi- 
cial power to be inconsistent with American liberty ; 
the generous but dissolute Monckton, coming in glory 
from Quebec to enter on the government of New 
York, before seeking fresh dangers in the West Indies, 
censured it in the presence of the Council; 8 even 
Colden advised against it. 4 "As the parliament," 
argued Pratt, 5 himself, after his selection for the va- 
cant place on the bench, and when quite ready to use 
the power of a judge to promote the political inter- 
ests of the crown, " as the parliament at the Revolu- 
tion thought it the necessary right of Englishmen to 
have the judges safe from being turned out by the 
crown, the people of New York claim the right of 

1 Eepresentation of the Board 8 Letter to the Lords of Trade, 

of Trade to the king, 11 Novem- 7 April, 1762. 

ber, 1761. 4 Colden to the Board of Trade, 

* Egremont to Monckton, 9 De- 25 Sept., 1761. 

comber, 1761. 5 Pratt to Colden, 22 Aug., 1761. 


chap Englishmen in this respect ;" and he himself was treated 
_^ with such indignity for accepting the office on other 
1761 terms, that it was thought to have shortened his life. 1 
But the idea of equality in political rights between 
England and the colonies could not be comprehended 
by the English officials of that day ; and in Novem- 
ber, about a month after Pitt's retirement, the Board 
of Trade reported to the king against the tenure of 
good behavior, as " a pernicious proposition," " sub- 
versive of all true policy," " and tending to lessen the 
just dependence of the colonies upon the government 
of the mother country." 2 The representation found 
favor with George ; and, as the first fruits of the new 
system, on the ninth of December the instruction 
went forth through Egremont to all colonial gover- 
nors, to grant no judicial commissions but during 

To make the tenure of the judicial office the 
king's will was to make the bench of judges the 
instruments of the prerogative, and to subject the 
administration of justice throughout all America to 
the influence of an arbitrary and irresponsible power. 
The Assembly of New York rose up against the en- 
croachment, deeming it a deliberate step towards 
despotic authority ; the standing instruction they re- 
solved should be changed, or they, on their part, 
would grant no salary whatever to the judges. 
1762. "Things are come to a crisis," wrote Pratt, in 
January, 1762, guided by his interest, and chiefly 
intent on securing a good salary. "If I cannot be 
supported with a competent salary, the office must be 
abandoned, and his Majesty's prerogative must suffer." 

1 Elbridge Gerry to S. Adams, s Representation of the Lords of 
2 Nov., 1772. Trade to the king, 18 Nov., 1761. 


" Why," asked Colden, " should the chief justices of chap. 
Nova Scotia and Georgia have certain and fixed sala- ^^J, 
ries from the crown, and a chief justice of so con- 1762. 
siderable a province as this be left to beg his bread of 
the people ?" and reporting to the Board of Trade 
the source of opposition in New York, " For some 
years past," said he, " three popular lawyers educated 
in Connecticut, who have strongly imbibed the inde- 
pendent principles of that country, calumniate the 
administration in every exercise of the prerogative, 
and get the applause of the mob by propagating the 
doctrine, that all authority is derived from the people." 
These " three popular lawyers " were William Living- 
ston, John Morin Scott/ and — alas, that he should 
afterwards have turned aside from the career of 
patriotism ! — the historian, William Smith. 

The news of the resignation of Pitt, who was 
" almost idolized " in America, heightened the rising 
jealousy and extended it through the whole continent. 
" We have such an idea of the general corruption," 
said Ezra Stiles, a dissenting minister in Rhode Island, 
" we know not how to confide in any person below 
the crown." 2 " You adore the Oliverian times," said 
Bernard to Mayhew, at Boston. " I adore Him alone 
who is before all times," answered Mayhew, and at 
the same time avowed his zeal for the principles of 
"the glorious Revolution " of 1688, especially for 
" the freedom of speech and of writing." 8 Already he 
was known among royalists as " an enemy to kings." 

The alarm rose every where to an extreme height, 

1 Rev. D. Johnson to the Arch- 8 Bradford's Life of Jonathan 
bishop of Canterbury. Mayhew, 222. 

2 Ezra Stiles to Franklin, Dec, 


chap, and every question of authority in church and state 

xvin ... 

v^^^J was debated. The old Puritan strife with prelacy 

1762. was renewed; and Presbyterians and Congregation- 
alists were jealous of the favor shown by the royal 
governors to the established church. In New York 
the college was under Episcopal direction; as New 
England's Cambridge was in the hands of Dissenters, 
Bernard sealed a charter for another seminary in the 
interior. A fund of two thousand pounds was sub- 
scribed to a society, which the legislature of Massa- 
chusetts had authorized, for propagating knowledge 
among the Indians ; but the king interposed his nega- 
tive, and reserved the red men for the Anglican form 
of worship. Mayhew, on the other hand, marshalled 
public opinion against bishops; while Massachusetts, 
under the guidance of Otis, dismissed the Episcopalian 
Bollan, its pedantic but honest agent, and — intending 
to select a Dissenter who should be able to employ for 
the protection of their liberties the great political 
influence of the Nonconformists in England — they 
intrusted their affairs to Jasper Mauduit, who, though 
a Dissenter, was connected through his brother with 
Jenkinson and Bute and the king. 

But the great subject of discontent was the en- 
forcement of the Acts of Trade by the Court of 
Admiralty; the court which was immediately subject 
to the king, and independent of the province, where a 
judge determined questions of property without a 
jury, on information furnished by crown officers, and 
derived his own emoluments exclusively from his por- 
tion of the forfeitures which he himself had the sole 
power to declare. The governor, too, was sure to 
lean to the side of large seizures ; for he . by law 


enjoyed a full third of all the fines imposed on goods chap. 
that were condemned. The legislature, angry that ^^ 
Hutchinson, as chief justice, in defiance of the plain 1762. 
principles of law, should lend himself to the schemes 
of the crown officers, began to perceive how many 
offices he had selfishly accumulated in his own hands. 
Otis, whose mind was deeply imbued with the writings 
of Montesquieu, pointed out the mischief of uniting in 
the same person executive, legislative, and judicial pow- 
ers ; but four or five years passed away before the dis- 
tinction was much heeded ; and in the mean time the 
judges were punished by a reduction of their salaries. 
The general writs of assistance, which were clearly 
illegal, 1 would have been prohibited by a provincial 
enactment, but for the negative of the governor. 

The commotion, which at first was confined to 
Boston, was expected to extend to the other ports. 
The people were resolved that their trade should no 
longer be kept under restrictions ; and began to talk 
of procuring themselves justice. 2 

1 The decision of the Courts Bottetourt, and the Council of Vir» 
of Connecticut, and the decision ginia. 
of the Koyalist Governor, Lord a Bernard to Lords of Trade. 




C xix P * ^ HE wor ^ ^ no ^ a * once P erce i ye the purposes 
- — , — - of the new ministers, who were careful at first to 
1762 - adopt as hterally as possible the orders of William 
Pitt, and his plan for conducting the war. He had 
infused his own haughtiness and determined spirit 
into the army and navy of England ; the strings which 
he had struck with power still vibrated; his light, 
like that of "an annihilated star," still shone bril- 
liantly to the world ; and it was without fear, that, in 
the first days of January, 1762, England, justified by 
the avowed alliance between the branches of the 
House of Bourbon, extended the strife to the Penin- 
sula and the colonies of Spain. 

Behold, then, at last, the great league of the Roman 
Catholic powers, France, Spain, Austria, and the 
German Empire, the mighty authorities of the Mid- 
dle Age, blessed by the consecrating prayers of the 
see of Rome, and united in arms ; but America and 
the future of humanity were already safe. The 
character of the war was changed. The alliance of 


France and Spain had been made under the influence citap. 

. « XIX 

of Choiseul, a pupil of the new ideas, the enemy of ^^ 
the Jesuits, and the patron of philosophy; and the 1762. 
federation of the weaker maritime states presented it- 
self to the world as the protector of equality on the 
seas. England, on the other hand, had no motive to 
continue hostilities, but the love of rapine and of con- 
quest ; and on the twelfth of January, about a week 
after the declaration against Spain, the king directed 
measures to be taken to detach Austria from the 
House of Bourbon, and recover its alliance for Eng- 

The proposition was made through Sir Joseph 
Yorke, at the Hague, who was to tempt the empress 
by " the hope of some ulterior acquisitions in Italy." 
The experienced diplomatist promptly hinted to his 
employers that offers from Prussia, that is, the offer of 
the restoration of Silesia, would be more effective. A 
clandestine proposition from England to Austria was 
itself a treachery to Frederic and a violation of trea- 
ties ; it became doubly so, when the consequence of 
success in the negotiation would certainly have been 
the employment of England's influence to compel 
Frederic to the cession of Silesia. To promise acqui- 
sitions in Italy, with all whose powers England was at 
peace, was an outrage on the laws of nations; the 
proposition, if accepted, equally implied perfidy in 
Austria towards France. " Her Imperial Majesty 
and her minister," said Kaunitz, " cannot understand 
the proper meaning of this confidential overture of 
the English ;" and it did not remain a secret. 

No one desired the cessation of hostilities more 
than Frederic, if he could but secure his own posses- 
sions. "To terminate this deadly war advanta- 

VOL TV. . 37 


chap, geously," thus he wrote, in January, 1762, to George, 
^^L, " there is need^ of nothing but constancy ; but we 
1762. must persevere to the end. I see difficulties still 
without number; instead of appalling me, they en- 
courage me by the hope of overcoming them." No- 
thing could be more praiseworthy than the desire of the 
British Government to establish peace ; but nothing 
could be more pusillanimous than the method adopted 
to promote it. Ignorant of continental affairs, George 
the Third and his Favorite held it necessary to break 
or bend the firmness of will of the king of Prussia ; 
and with that view invoked the interposition of Kus- 
sia. The female autocrat of the JSTorth, the Empress 
Elizabeth, who, during her reign, abolished the pun- 
ishment of death, but, by her hatred of the Prussian 
king, brought provinces into misery and tens of thou- 
sands to massacre on battle-grounds, a childish person, 
delighting in dress and new clothes, in intoxication 
and the grossest excesses of lewdness, was no more. 
So soon as it was known, that she had been succeeded 
by her nephew, the frank, impetuous Peter the 
Third, who cherished an unbounded admiration and 
sincere friendship for Frederic, the British minister at 
St. Petersburg was provided with a credit of one hun- 
dred thousand pounds to be used as bribes, 1 and was 
instructed by Bute to moderate the excessive devoted- 
ness of the emperor to Frederic; the strength of that 
attachment was a source of anxiety. 2 

At the same time an attempt was made to induce 
parliament to abandon the Prussian alliance; and 

1 Bute to Keith, 6 Feb. 1762, in 2 Bute to Keith, 26 February, 
Raumer, ii. 492. There is a copy 1762, in Raunier, ii. 501. 
of the letter among the Mitchell 
Papers in the British Museum. 


early in February, Bedford, though a member of the chap. 
cabinet, offered a resolution in the House of Lords ^^^ 
against continuing the war in Germany. In the de- 1762. 
bate Bute did but assume an appearance of opposi- 
tion, and the question was only evaded and post- 
poned. It was evidently the royal wish to compel 
Frederic to the hard necessity of ceding territory to 
Austria. A statement was demanded of him of his 
idea on the subject of peace, and of his resources for 
holding out, as a preliminary to the renewal of the 
subsidy from England. But he rendered no such ac- 
count, which could have been but an inventory of his 
weakness. The armies of Russia were encamped in 
Prussia Proper ; to Gallitzin the minister of Russia at 
London, Bute intimated that England would aid 
the emperor to retain a part of the conquests made 
from the king of Prussia, if he would continue to hold 
him in check. But the chivalric Czar, indignant at 
the perfidy, inclosed Gallitzin's despatch to Frederic 
himself, 1 and hastening to reconcile his empire with 
his illustrious* friend, restored all the conquests that 
had been made from the kingdom to that prince, set- 
tled with him a peace including a guaranty of Silesia, 
and finally transferred a Russian army to his camp. 
The fact, that Prussia had transformed Russia from an 
enemy into an ally, while England had a new enemy 
in Spain, and a dependent in Portugal, gave a plausi- 
ble reason for discontinuing the grant to Prussia. 
StiL the subsidy was promised ; but " the condition 
of the bounty 2 of this nation," wrote Bute, at the 
king's command, "is the employment of it towards 

1 Histoire de la Guerre de Sept and Bute to Kitchell, in Appendix 
Ans, chap. 15. But compare the de- to Adolphus, i. 587. 
nial, in Adolphus: Hist., i. 80, 2 "Bute to Mitchell, 9 April, 1762. 


chap, the procurement of peace, not the continuance of 
_^_ war." "This Englishman," said Frederic, "thinks 
1762. that money does every thing, and that there is no 
money but in England." 1 And, deserted by his ally, 
he was left to tread in solitude the paths of greatness. 
Little did George the Third dream that he was filling 
his own cup with bitterness to the brim ; that the 
day was soon to come, when he in his turn would en- 
treat benefits from Frederic, and find them inexorably 

During these negotiations, and before the end of 
March, news reached Europe of victories in the "West 
Indies, achieved by Monckton with an army of twelve 
thousand men, assisted by Rodney and a fleet of six- 
teen sail of the line and thirteen frigates. On the 
seventh of January, the British armament appeared 
off Martinico, the richest and best of the French 
colonies, strongly guarded by natural defences, which 
art had improved. Yet, on the fourteenth of Feb- 
ruary, the governor and inhabitants were forced to 
capitulate. Grenada, St. Lucia, St. Vincent's, were 
soon after occupied ; so that the outer Caribbee Islands, 
in the whole extent of the arc which bends from St. 
Domingo towards the continent of South America, 
were British. For the siege of Havana the conti- 
nental colonies were ordered to contribute quotas of 
men, and reinforcements were on their way from 

These successes gave new courage to the king's 
friends to pursue their system. Newcastle, who had 
received " all kinds of disgusts " from his associates in 
the cabinet, seized the occasion of withholding the sub- 

Histoire de la Guerre, &c. in (Euvres Posthumes, iv. 284. 


sidy from Prussia to indulge with Bute his habit of chap 
complaint. But " the Earl never requested me to con- ^^L 
tinue in office," said Newcastle, "nor said a civil thing 1762. 
to me f and at last most lingeringl y the veteran 
statesman resigned. English writers praise his disin- 
terestedness, because the childless man, who himself 
possessed enormous wealth, who while in office had 
provided bountifully for his kindred, and who left his 
post only to struggle in old age to recover it and act 
his part anew, did not accept a pension. America 
gives him the better praise, that, beneath all his 
frivolity and follies, he had a vein of good sense, 
which restrained him from decisive attacks on colonial 

So fell the old whig aristocracy which had so long 
governed England. It was false to the cause of liberty 
and betrayed the man of the people, only to be 
requited with contumely by those who reaped bene- 
fits from its treachery. Its system of government un- 
der its old form, could never be restored. It needed 
to be purified by a long conflict with the inheritors of 
its methods of corruption, before it could be awakened 
to a perception of its duty and animated to undertake 
the work of reform. But the power of the people 
was coming with an energy which it would be neither 
safe nor possible to neglect. Royalty itself no less than 
aristocracy was doomed. In the very days in which 
the English whig aristocracy was in its agony, Rous- 
seau, the most eloquent writer of French prose, told 
the world, that " nature makes neither princes, nor rich 
men, nor grandees f that " the sovereignty of the peo- 
ple is older than the institutions which restrain it ; and 
that these institutions are not obligatory but by con- 



chap, sent. 1 " You put trust," said he, " in the actual order 
v^^^ of society, without reflecting that this order is sub- 
1762, ject to inevitable changes. We are approaching the 
state of crisis and the age of revolutions." " Were all 
the kings put away, they would hardly be missed, 
and things would go on none the worse " 2 "I hold it 
impossible that the great monarchies of Europe should 
endure much longer." 8 

On the retirement of Newcastle, Bute, near the 
end of May, transferring the seals of the Northern 
Department to George Grenville, became first lord of 
the treasury, the feeblest of British prime ministers. 
Bedford remained privy seal; Egremont, Grenville's 
brother-in-law, secretary of state for the Southern 
Department and America ; while the able Lord North 
retained his seat at the Treasury Board. Early in 
June, on the death of Anson, Halifax returned from 
Ireland to join the cabinet as first lord of the admi- 
ralty. Charles Townshend was still secretary at war, 
yet having that confidence in his own genius which 
made him restless in occupying a station inferior to 

The confidence of the ministry was confirmed by 
success in war. The British army and navy had 
acquired a habit of victory ; the British men-of-war 
reposed in the consciousness of maritime supremacy ; 
and, as the hawk, from his resting-place among the 
clouds, gazes calmly around for his prey, their eye 
glanced over every ocean in search of the treasure- 
ships of Spain. " Great monarchies," Choiseul had 

1 Contrat Social, printed in 8 Note to a passage in the Third 
April, 1762. . Book of Emile. That work was 

2 From Emile. published in May, 1762. 

'the dawk of the new eepublic. 439 

said 1 in April, "spite of redoubled misfortunes, chap. 
should have confidence in the solidity of their ex- ^^-L 
istence. If I were the master, we would stand against 1762. 
England as Spain did against the Moors ; and if this 
course were truly adopted, England would be reduced 
and destroyed within thirty years." 

But the exhausted condition of France compelled 
her to seek peace ; in February and March, the 
subject had been opened for discussion through the 
ministers of Sardinia in London and Versailles ; . and 
after passing April in the consideration of plans, 
early in May Bute was able to submit to Bedford his 
project. " I am glad . of the peace as it has been 
chalked out," said Bedford; "a much longer con- 
tinuance of the war, however relieved by the lustre 
of farther conquests, is likely to prove fatal to the 
nation;" and in July he accepted the embassy to 
France, though the appointment was not declared till 
the first of September. 

A good peace with foreign enemies," said Hutch- 
inson, from Massachusetts, as early as March, " would 
enable us to make a better defence against our do- 
mestic foes." The relations of Ireland and of Ame- 
rica to the British king and the British parliament 
were held to be the same. By Poyning's Act, as it 
was called, no bill could be accepted in Ireland, until 
it had been transmitted to England, and returned 
with the assent of the Privy Council. The principle 
had already been applied by royal instructions to 
particular branches of American legislation. The 

1 Choiseul's Despatch of 5 April, 1762. Flassan: Histoire de la 
Diplomatie Francaise, vi. 466 



chap, design began to be more and more openly avowed, of 
^^ demanding a suspending clause in every act. 
17 62. It had been already decided that every American 
judge should hold his appointment at the royal 
pleasure. Hardy, governor of New Jersey, having 
violated his instructions, by issuing a commission 
during good behavior, was promptly dismissed ; and 
at a time when the new-modelling of the charter gov- 
ernments was contemplated, William Franklin, the 
only- son of the great adversary of the proprietaries 
of Pennsylvania, to " the extreme astonishment and 
rage " of the younger Penn, at the suggestion of Bute, 
became his successor. 

When New York refused to vote salaries to its 
chief justice, unless he should receive an independent 
commission, the Board of Trade, in June, 1762, 1 re- 
commended that he should have his salary from the 
royal quitrents. " Such a salary," it was pleaded to 
the Board by the chief justice himself, " could not 
fail to render the office of great service to his Majesty, 
in securing the dependence of the colony on the 
crown, and its commerce to Great Britain." 2 It was 
further hinted, that it would insure judgments in favor 
of the crown against all intrusions upon the royal 
domain by the great landed proprietors of New York, 
and balance their power and influence in the Assem- 
bly. The appeal was irresistible, and, by the direc- 
tion of Bute and his colleagues, all of whom favored 
American taxation by act of parliament, the measure 
was adopted. Thus was consummated the system of 
subjecting the halls of justice to the prerogative. 
. The king, in the royal provinces, instituted courts, 

1 Representation of the Board to 8 Pratt to the Lords of Trade, 
tho king, 11 June, 1762. 24 May, 1762. 


named the judges, removed them at pleasure, • fixed chap. 

the amount of their salaries, and paid them out of . , . 

funds that were independent of legislative grants. 1T63. 
The system, established as yet in one only of the 
older provinces, was designed for all. In no part of 
the continent was opposition to the British govern- 
ment more deeply rooted, more rational and steadfast, 
than in New York, where the popular lawyers con- 
tinued their appeals, through the weekly press, to the 
public mind, and, supported by the great landholders, 
excited the people to menace resistance and to fore- 
bode independence. 

It began to be widely known, that at the end of 
the war some general regulation of the governments 
of the colonies would be attempted ; and the officers of 
the crown who wished to escape the responsibility at- 
tached to a dependence on the people, were quite cer- 
tain that a provision would be made for their indepen- 
dent support. 1 The purpose of raising a revenue by 
parliament at the peace was no longer concealed ; and 
chastisement was prepared for Maryland and Penn- 
sylvania, the refractory provinces which had so much 
tasked the attention of the great English lawyers, 
Mansfield, Charles Yorke, and Pratt. The persever- 
ance of Maryland in disobeying the royal requisition 
was laid before the king, who expressed what was 
called " just displeasure" at the " obstinate" disobe- 
dience of the Assembly of that province. He cen- 
sured them as not " animated by a sense of their duty 
to their king and country." " Though there is little 
room," added Egremont, • " to expect a change in per- 
sons who seem determined to adhere to their own 

1 Bernard to Shelburne, 4 January, 1767. Compare, too, Novan- 


chap, opinion, his Majesty has judged it proper to direct me 

^^ to express his sentiments on the conduct of the As- 

1762. sembly of your province, that they may not deceive 

themselves by supposing that their behavior is not 

seen here in its true light." 1 The despatch bore the 

. impress of George the Third, and shadowed forth his 


The reprimand of the legislature of Pennsylvania 
was delayed till Sir Jeffrey Amherst could report its 
disregard of his final appeal. On receiving from him 
full accounts, a similar letter conveyed to the Assem- 
bly of Pennsylvania " the king's high disapprobation 
of their artfully evading to pay any obedience to his 
Majesty's requisitions." 3 

No one was more bent on reducing the colonies to 
implicit obedience than the blunt, humane, and hon- 
est, but self-willed Duke of Bedford, who, on the 
sixth day of September, sailed for France with full 
powers to negotiate a peace. Scarcely was he gone, 
before Egremont, Pitt's successor, desiring, like Pitt, to 
conduct the negotiation from ministry to ministry, 
limited the powers of Bedford. The angry duke re- 
monstrated to Bute, who just then, in company with 
the Duke of York, had been decorated with the order 
of the Garter, at a very full chapter, where Temple 
sat directly by his side in silent sullenness. The 
prime minister incurred the enmity of Egremont, by 
promising to ask of the cabinet a restitution to Bed- 
ford of his full powers. " Are you sure of the cabi- 
net's concurrence ?" asked Bigby. " The king will be 

1 H. Sharpe to Egremont, 25 s Egremont to Gov. of Pennsyl- 
April, Egremont to H. Sharpe, 10 vania, 27 Nov., 1762. 
July, 1762. 



obeyed," replied Bute, " and will talk to the two secre- chap. 
taries on their scruples." And it was so. The young _^w 
man of three-and-twenty subdued his two secretaries 1762. 
of state, secretly laughing all the while at their dis- 
pleasure an*d dismay. " Judge of Grenville's counte- 
nance," said he to Bute, "by that of his brother," 
Earl of Temple, " at the installation." " Lord Egre- 
mont was wise enough to fly into a passion in the 
closet." " I have but one sentiment to offer," said he 
to the king, — " which is, to send the Duke of Bedford 
fixed articles for the preliminaries, upon no event to 
be changed, and if the French refuse to comply, im- 
mediately to recall him." " The sentiment," said 
George, who repeated the conversation, "is totally 
different from mine ; a boy of ten years old might as 
well have been sent to Paris on this errand." The 
secretary yielded, and some subjects were left at the 
discretion of Bedford; but Bute, with singular per- 
fidy, indirectly, through the Sardinian minister, and 
in his own handwriting, communicated * to the French 
ambassador the decision adopted, and even minutes of 
the advice given by the various members of the cabi- 
net council, on condition that the details should be 
kept religiously from Spain, and from the Duke of 
Bedford. Thus the ministry of the hostile power, with 
which Bedford was to negotiate a peace, was, without 
his knowledge, made acquainted with his most secret 
instructions. Nothing better explains the character of 
Bute, and its discovery drew on him the implacable 
displeasure and contempt of Bedford. 

The consummation of the peace languished and 
was delayed ; its failure even was anticipated, because 

WifFen's House of Kussell, ii. 506. 



chap. Grimaldi, for Spain, was persuaded that the expedi- 
^^i, tion of the English against Havana must be defeat- 
17 62. ed. But before the end of the twenty-ninth day of 
September news arrived of a very different result. 

Havana was then, as now, the chief place in the 
West Indies, built on a harbor large enough to shel- 
ter all the navies of Europe, capable of being made 
impregnable from the sea, having docks in which 
ships of war of the first magnitude were constructed, 
rich from the products of the surrounding country, 
and the centre of the trade with Mexico. Of this 
magnificent city England undertook the conquest. 
The command of her army, in which Carleton and 
Howe each led two battalions, was given to Albe- 
marle, the friend and pupil of the Duke of Cumber- 
land. The fleet was intrusted to Pococke, already 
illustrious as the conqueror in two naval battles in 
the East. 

Assembling the fleet and transports at Martinico, 
and off Cape St. Nicholas, the adventurous admiral 
sailed directly through the Bahama Straits, and on 
the sixth day of June came in sight of the low coast 
round Havana. The Spanish forces for the defence of 
the city were about forty-six hundred ; the English 
had eleven thousand effective men, and were recruited 
by nearly a thousand negroes from the Leeward 
Islands, and by fifteen hundred from Jamaica. Before 
the end of July, the needed reinforcements arrived 
from New York and New England ; among these was 
Putnam, the brave ranger of Connecticut, and num- 
bers of men less happy, because never destined to 
revisit their homes. 

On the thirtieth of July, after a siege of twenty- 


nine days, during which the Spaniards lost a thousand chap. 
men, and the brave Don Luis de Velasco was mortally v_^l 
wounded, the Moro Castle was taken by storm. On 1762. 
the eleventh of August, the governor of Havana ca- 
pitulated, and the most important station in the West 
Indies fell into the hands of the English. At the 
same time, nine ships of the line and four frigates 
were captured in the harbor. The booty of proper- 
ty belonging to the king- of Spain was estimated at 
ten millions of dollars. 

This most memorable siege was conducted in mid- 
summer, against a city which lies just within the • 
tropic. The country round the Moro Castle is rocky. 
To bind and carry the fascines was, of itself, a work 
of incredible labor, made possible only by aid of Af- 
rican slaves. Sufficient earth to hold the fascines 
firm was gathered with difficulty from crevices in the 
rocks. Once, after a drought of fourteen days, the 
grand battery took fire by the flames, and crackling 
and spreading where water could not follow it, nor 
earth stifle it, was wholly consumed. The climate 
spoiled a great part of the provisions. Wanting 
good water, very many died in agonies from thirst. 
More fell victims to a putrid fever, of which the 
malignity left but three or four hours between robust 
health and death. Some wasted away with loath- 
some disease. Over the graves the carrion-crows 
hovered, and often scratched away the scanty earth 
which rather hid than buried the dead. Hundreds of 
carcasses floated on the ocean. And yet such was the 
enthusiasm of the English, such the resolute zeal of 
the sailors and soldiers, such the unity of action 
between the fleet and army, that the vertical sun of 
June and July, the heavy rains of August, raging 




chap, fever, and strong and well defended fortresses, all 
_^ the obstacles of nature and art, were surmounted, 
176 2. and the most decisive victory of the war was 

The scene in the British cabinet was changed by 
the capture of Havana. Bute was indifferent to fur- 
ther acquisitions in America, for he held it " of much 
greater importance to bring the old colonies into 
order than to plant new ones ;" * but all his colleagues 
thought otherwise ; and Bedford was unwilling to re- 
store Havana to Spain except for the cession of Porto 
Eico and the Floridas. The king, who persisted in 
the purpose of peace, intervened. He himself solicit- 
ed the assent of Cumberland to his policy ; he caused 
George Grenville, who hesitated to adopt his views, to 
exchange with Halifax the post of secretary of state 
for that of the head of the admiralty ; and he pur- 
chased the support of Fox as a member of the cabi- 
net and leader of the House of Commons by the offer 
of a peerage. These movements enraged both the 
people and the aristocracy; Wilkes, through The 
North Briton, inflamed the public mind ; while the 
Duke of Devonshire and the Marquis of Buckingham 
resigned their offices in the royal household. An 
opposition seemed certain; nor was it expected by 
the friends of the prerogative, that " ancient systems 
of power would fall to the ground without a strug- 
gle." 2 " The king's rest is not disturbed," said Bute ; 
" he is pleased to have people fairly take off the 
mask, and looks with the utmost contempt on what 

1 Knox Extra official papers, ii. tion to vol. iii. of the Bedford Cor- 
29. respondence, xxvii. 

2 Lord John Russell's Introduc- 



he sees is going forward ;" 1 and on the last day of chap. 
October, he called for the council-book, and struck ^^J 
from it the name of the Duke of Devonshire; a high 1762. 
indignity, almost without example. 

The principal representatives of the old whig aris- 
tocracy were driven into retirement, and the king was 
passionately resolved never again to receive them into 
a ministry. In the impending changes, Charles Town- 
shend coveted the administration of America, and 
Bute gladly offered him the secretaryship of the plan- 
tations and Board of Trade. Thrice Townshend had 
interviews with the king, whose favor he always 
courted; but for the time he declined the station 
from an unwillingness to attach himself to Fox and 
Bute, and not from any apprehension of the sweeping 
whirlwind which was just beginning to rise at the 
menace of danger. 

At that very time, men were earnestly discussing 
in Boston the exclusive right of America to raise and 
to apply its own revenues. The governor and council 
had, in advance of authority by law, expended three 
or four hundred pounds sterling on a ship and sloop, 
that were to cruise against privateers, for the protec- 
tion of fishermen. Otis, in September, 1762, seized 
the opportunity in a report to claim the right of ori- 
ginating all taxes as the most darling privilege of the 
representatives. " It would be of little consequence to 
the people," said he, on the floor of the House, " whe- 
ther they were subject to George or Louis, the king 
of Great Britain, or the French king, if both were ar- 
bitrary, as both would be, if both could levy taxes 
without parliament." " Treason! treason!" shouted 

1 Wiffen, ii. 503. 


chap. Paine, the member from "Worcester. " There is not 


_,__ the least ground," said Bernard in a message, " for the 
1762. insinuation under color of which that sacred and well 
beloved name is brought into question." Otis, who 
was fiery, but not obstinate, erased the offensive 
words, as his sentiments were fully expressed without 
them ; but immediately, claiming to be one 

" Who dared to love his country and be poor," 

he vindicated himself through the press. 

Invoking the authority of " the most wise, most 
honest, and most impartial Locke," a as great an orna- 
ment as the Church of England ever had," because " of 
moderate and tolerant principles," and one who " wrote 
expressly to establish the throne which George the 
Third now held," he undertook to reply to those who 
could not bear that " liberty and property should be 
enjoyed by the vulgar." 

Deeply convinced of the reality of " the ideas of 
right and wrong," he derived his argument from ori- 
ginal right. " God made all men naturally equal. 
The ideas of earthly grandeur are acquired, not in- 
nate. Kings were made for the good of the people, 
not the people for them. No government has a right 
to make slaves of the subject. Most governments are, 
in fact, arbitrary, and consequently the curse and 
scandal of human nature ; yet none are, of right, arbi- 
trary. By the laws of God and nature, government 
must not raise taxes on the property of the people, 
without the consent of the people or their deputies." 
And it was reasoned, that "the advantage of -being a 
Briton rather than a Frenchman, consisted in liberty." 

As a question of national law, Otis maintained 
the rights of a colonial assembly to be equal to 


those of the House of Commons, and that to raise or chap. 

• • XIX. 

apply money without its consent, was as great an in- ^^1, 
novation as for the king and House of Lords to usurp 1762. 
legislative authority. 

The privileges of Massachusetts, it was held, were 
safe under the shelter of its charter and the common 
law ; yet Otis did not fail to cite, also, the preamble 
to the British statute of 1740, for naturalizing foreign- 
ers, where " the subjects in the colonies are plainly 
declared entitled to all the privileges of the people of 
Great Britain." 

In conclusion, he warned " all plantation govern- 
ors" not to spend their whole time, as he declared 
" most of them" did, " in extending the prerogative 
beyond all bounds ;" and he pledged himself " ever, 
to the utmost of his capacity and power, to vindicate 
the liberty of his country and the rights of mankind." 

The Vindication of Otis filled the town of Boston 
with admiration of the patriotism of its author, and 
the boldness of his doctrines. " A more sensible 
thing," said Brattle, one of the Council, " never was 
written." By the royalists its author was denounced 
as "the chief incendiary," a "seditious" "firebrand," 
and a " leveller." " I am almost tempted," confessed 
the unpopular Hutchinson, " to take for my motto, 
Odi profamom vulgus" hatred to the people. " I 
will write the history of my own times, like Bishop 
Burnet, and paint characters as freely ; it shall not be 
published while I live, but I will be revenged on 
some of the rascals after I am dead ;" and he pleaded 
fervently that Bernard should reserve his favor ex- 
clusively for " the friends to government." " I do not 
say," cried Mayhew from the pulpit, on the annual 
Thanksgiving day, " I do not say our invaluable rights 


chap, have been struck at ; but if they have, they are not 
^^L wrested from us ; anc\may righteous Heaven blast the 
1762. designs, though not the soul, of that man, whoever he 
be amongst us, that shall have the hardiness to attack 
them." Thomas Hollis, a wealthy Englishman, a 
lover of humanity, a devoted friend to America, sent 
word to Boston to build no hopes upon the king, and 
already foresaw the approaching and certain inde- 
pendence of America. 





While it was yet uncertain who among British c fxT" 
statesmen would be selected to establish British ^*^ 
authority in the colonies, the king, on the twenty- 
sixth of October, offering to return Havana to Spain 
for either the Floridas or Porto Rico, urged the 
instant consummation of the treaty. " The best dis- 
patch I can receive from you will be these prelimina- 
ries signed. May Providence, in compassion to human 
misery, give you the means of executing this great 
and noble work." Thus beautifully wrote the young 
monarch to Bedford, not dazzled by victory, and re- 
pressing the thirst for conquest; a rare instance of 
moderation, of which history must gratefully preserve 
the record. The terms proposed to the French were 
severe, and even humiliating. "But what can we 
do ?" said Choiseul, who in his despair had for a time 
resigned the foreign department to the Duke de 
Praslin. " The English are furiously imperious ; they 
are drunk with success; and, unfortunately, we are 
not in a condition to abase their pride." France 


chap, yielded to necessity, and on the third day of Novem- 

v^^J^, ber the preliminaries of peace, a peace so momentous 

1762. for America, were signed between France and Spain 

on the one side, and England and Portugal on the 


To England were ceded, besides islands in the 
West Indies, the Floridas ; Louisiana to the Mississippi, 
but without the island of New Orleans ; all Canada ; 
Acadia ; Cape T3reton and its dependent islands; and 
the fisheries, except that France retained a share 
in them, with the two islets St. Pierre and Mique- 
lon, as a shelter for their fishermen. For the loss 
of Florida France on the same day indemnified Spain 
by ceding to that power New Orleans, and all Lou- 
isiana west of the Mississippi, with boundaries un- 

In Africa, England acquired Senegal, with the 
command of the slave-trade. 

In the East Indies, France, according to a modifi- 
cation proposed and insisted upon by Bedford, only 
recovered in a dismantled and ruined state the little 
that she possessed on the first of January, 1749; 
England obtained in that region the undoubted sway. 
In Europe, where Frederic was left to take care of 
himself, each power received back its own ; Minorca, 
therefore, reverted to Great Britain. 

" England," said the king, " never signed such a 
peace before, nor, I believe, any other power in 
Europe." a The country never," said the dying Gran- 
ville, " saw so glorious a war, or so honorable a peace." 
It maintains, thought Thomas Holhs, no flatterer of 
kings, the maritime power, the interests, the security, 
the tranquillity, and the honor of England. The 


judgment of mankind, out of England, then and ever chap. 
since, has pronounced on it similar decisions. For _^L, 
once, to the surprise of every body, Bute spoke well, 1762. 
rising in its defence in the House of Lords. " I wish," 
said he, " no better inscription on my tomb than that t 
I was its author." 

On the morning of the ninth of December, the 
very day on which the preliminaries were to be dis- 
cussed in parliament, Charles Townshend resigned his 
place as secretary at war. The opposition, on his" 
resigning, had great hopes of his joining with them. 
But, always preserving intimate relations with George 
the Third, he still aspired to the management of the 
plantations as third secretary of state ; and when Pitt 
sptfke against the peace for three hours and twenty 
minutes, — for the first hour admirably, then with flag- 
ging strength, " though even in his scrawls showing 
the masterly hand of a Raphael," and an " indisputa- 
ble superiority to all others," — Charles Townshend, in 
a speech of but twenty-five minutes, made an answer 
" with great judgment, wit, and strength of argument," 
on the side of humanity. 1 

On the division the opponents of the treaty were 
but sixty-five against three hundred and nineteen. 
"Now," said the princess dowager, on hearing the 
great majority, "my son is indeed king of England." 
Yet Townshend, who had so much contributed to 
swell the vote, in the progress of his own ambition, 
had for a rival Halifax, his old superior at the Board 
of Trade, who was equally desirous of the department 
of the colonies, with the rank of a secretary of state. 

In the first days of January, 1763, it was publicly 

1 See Powlett to Horatio Gates, 4 January, 1763. 



chap, avowed what had long been resolved on, that a stand- 


ing army of twenty battalions was to be kept up in 

1763.. America after the peace; 1 and, as the ministry were 

all the while promising great things in point of 

, economy, it was - designed that the expense should be 

defrayed by the colonists themselves. 

On the tenth day of February, 1763, the treaty was 
ratified ; and five days afterwards, at the hunting-castle 
of Hubertsburg, a definitive treaty closed the war of 
the empress queen and the Elector of Saxony against 
the great Frederic. The year of 1761 had ended for 
Frederic in gloom. Hardly sixty thousand men remain- 
ed to him to resist the whole circle of his enemies. He 
has himself described the extremity of his distress, and 
has proudly bid the world learn from his example, 
that, in great affairs, perseverance lifts statesmen above 
perils. 2 To the firm man the moment of deliverance 
assuredly comes. Deserted most unexpectedly by 
George the Third, the changes in Russia had been 
equally marvellous. That empire from an enemy had 
become an ally, desirable from its strength, yet dan- 
gerous from the indiscretions of its sovereign. But 
when the arbitrary seizure of the domains of the Rus- 
sian clergy by Peter the Third, and the introduction 
into the army of an unwonted system, had provoked 
the clergy and the army to effect a revolution by his 
dethronement and murder, his wife, Catharine, — a Ger- 
man princess who had adopted the religion and care- 
fully studied the language, the customs and institu- 
tions of Russia ; a woman of such endowments, that 

1 A. Oldham to H. Gates, 6 Ja- 3 Frederic : (Euvres Posthu- 

nuary, 1763. Bernard, in 1765, mes, i. 273. Hist, de la Guerre de 

Bays the new measure had been Sept Ans. 
" long" determined on. 


she was held to be the ablest person in its court ; — was chap. 
advanced, over the ruin of her husband, of which she ^J^L 
was not guilty, to the imperial throne of the Czars. 1763 
More wise than her predecessor, she abandoned his 
projects of war and revenge, and in the midsummer of 
1762, recalling the Russian army, she gave to the 
world the instructive lesson of moderation and neu- 
trality. The territories of Prussia, which France 
had evacuated, Bute left, as he said, " to be scrambled 
for ;" but there was no one to win them from Frede- 
ric ; and after seven years of unequalled effort 
against the aristocracies and despotisms of continental 
Europe, the hero of Prussia won a triumph for 
freedom by the glorious treaty of Hubertsburg, 
which gave security of existence to his state 
without the cession of a hand's breadth of his 

Thus was arrested the course of carnage and 
misery; of sorrows in private life infinite and un- 
fathomable ; of wretchedness heaped on wretchedness ; 
of public poverty and calamity ; of forced enlistments 
and extorted contributions; and all the unbridled 
tyranny of military power in the day of danger. 
France was exhausted of one half of her specie ; in 
many parts of Germany the^e remained not enough 
of men or of cattle to renew cultivation. The num- 
ber of the dead in arms is computed at eight hundred 
and eighty-six thousand on the battle-fields of Europe, 
or on the way to them. And all this devastation and 
waste of life and of resources produced for those who 
planned it no gain whatever, nothing but weakness 
and losses. Not an inch of land was torn from the 
dominions of Frederic ; not a limit to the boundaries 


chap, of any state was contracted or advanced. Europe, in 
^^L, its territorial divisions, remained exactly as before. 
1763. But in Asia and America how was the world changed ! 

In Asia, the victories of Clive at Plassy, of Coote 
at the Wanderwash, and of Watson and Pococke on 
the Indian seas, had given England the undoubted 
ascendency in the East Indies, opening to her sud- 
denly the promise of untold treasures and territorial 
acquisitions without end. 

In America, the Teutonic race, with its strong 
tendency to individuality and freedom, was become 
the master from the Gulf of Mexico to the poles ; 
and the English tongue, which, but a century and a 
half before, had for its entire world a part only of 
two narrow islands on the outer verge of Europe, was 
now to spread more widely than any that had ever 
given expression to human thought. 

Go forth, then, language of Milton and Hampden, 
language of my country, take possession of the North 
American continent ! Gladden the waste places with 
every tone that has been rightly struck on the Eng- 
lish lyre, with every English word that has been 
spoken well for liberty and for man ! Give an echo 
to the now silent and solitary mountains ; gush out 
with the fountains that as yet sing their anthems all 
day long without response ; fill the valleys with the 
voices of love in its purity, the pledges of friendship 
in its faithfulness ; and as' the morning sun drinks the 
dewdrops from the flowers all the way from the 
dreary Atlantic to the Peaceful Ocean, meet him with 
the joyous hum of the early industry of freemen ! 
Utter boldly and spread widely through the world 


the thoughts of the coming apostles of the people's chap. 
liberty, till the sound that cheers the desert shall ^^, 
thrill through the heart of humanity, and the lips of 1763. 
the messenger of the people's power, as he stands in 
beauty upon the mountains, shall proclaim the reno- 
vating tidings of equal freedom for the race ! 

England exulted in its conquests ; enjoying the 
glory of extended dominion in the confident expecta- 
tion of a boundless increase of wealth. But its success 
was due to its having taken the lead in the good old 
struggle for liberty ; and was destined to bring fruits, 
not so much to itself, as to the cause of freedom and 

France, of all the states on the continent of 
Europe, the most powerful by territorial unity, wealth, 
numbers, industry and culture, seemed also by its 
place, marked out for maritime ascendency. Set be- 
tween many seas, it rested upon the Mediterranean, 
possessed harbors on the German ocean, and embraced 
within its wide shores and jutting headlands, the bays 
and open waters of the Atlantic ; its people, infolding 
at one extreme the offspring of colonists from Greece, 
and at the other, the hardy children of the Northmen, 
were called, as it were, to the inheritance of life upon 
the sea. The nation, too, readily conceived or appro- 
priated great ideas, and delighted in bold resolves. 
Its travellers had penetrated farthest into the fearful 
interior of unknown lands ; its missionaries won most 
familiarly the confidence of the aboriginal hordes ; its 
writers described with keener and wiser observation 
the forms of nature in her wildness, and the habits 
and languages of savage man; its soldiers, and every 
lay Frenchman in America owed military service, 

vol. iv. 39 


chap, uniting beyond all others celerity with courage, knew 
v _ yW best how to endure the hardships of forest life and to 
1763. triumph in forest warfare. Its ocean chivalry had 
given a name and a colony to Carolina, and its mer- 
chants a people to Acadia. The French discovered 
the basin of the St. Lawrence ; were the first to ex- 
plore and possess the banks of the Mississippi, and 
planned an American empire that should unite the 
widest valleys and most copious inland waters of the 

But New France was governed exclusively by the 
monarchy of its metropolis ; and was shut against the 
intellectual daring of its philosophy, the liberality of 
its political economists, the movements of its industrial 
genius, its legal skill, and its infusion of protestant 
freedom. Nothing representing the new activity of 
thought in Modern France, went to America. No- 
thing had leave to go there, but what was old and 
worn out. The government thought only to transmit 
to its American empire, the exhausted polity of the 
Middle Ages ; the castes of feudal Europe ; its mon- 
archy, its hierarchy, its nobility, and its dependent 
peasantry ; while commerce was enfeebled by protec- 
tion, stifled under the weight of inconvenient regu- 
lations, and fettered by exclusive grants. The land 
was parcelled out in seignories ; and though quitrents 
were moderate, transfers and sales of leases were bur- 
dened with restrictions and heavy fines. The men 
who held the plough were tenants and vassals, of 
whom few could either write or read. No village 
school was open for their instruction ; nor was there 
one printing press in either Canada 1 or Louisiana. 

1 General Murray to the Earl of " The former government would 
Egremont, Quebec, 5 June, 1762 : never suffer a printing press in the 


The central will of the administration, though checked chap. 
by concessions of monopolies, was neither guided by ^^L. 
local legislatures, nor restrained by parliaments or 1763. 
courts of law. But France was reserved for a nobler 
influence in the New World, than that of propagating 
institutions, which in the Old World were giving 
up the ghost ; nor had Providence set apart America 
for the reconstruction of the decaying framework of 
feudal tyranny. 1 

The colonists from England brought over the 
forms of the government of the mother country, and 
the purpose of giving them a better development and 
a fairer career in the Western World. The French 
emigrants took with them only what belonged to the 
past, and nothing that represented modern freedom. 
The English emigrants retained what they called 
English privileges, but left behind in the parent coun- 
try, English inequalities, the monarch, and nobility, 
and prelacy. French America was closed against 
even a gleam of intellectual independence ; nor did it 
contain so much as one dissenter from the Roman 
Church ; English America had English liberties in 
greater purity and with far more of the power of the 
people than England. Its inhabitants were self-or- 
ganized bodies of freeholders, pressing upon the re- 
ceding forests, winning their way farther and farther 
forward every year, and never going back. They had 
schools, so that in several of the colonies there was no 
one to be found beyond childhood, who could not read 
and write ; they had the printing-press, scattering among 

country." And again Gen. Murray or none can read ; printing 
to Secretary Shelburne, 30 August, never permitted in Canada, till we 
1766 : " They are very ignorant, got possession of it." 
and it was the policy of the French l Gayarre Histoire de la Louis- 
government to keep them so ; few iane, ii. 121. 


chap, them books, and pamphlets, and many newspapers : 
v-^L they had a ministry chiefly composed of men of their 
1763. own election. In private life they were accustomed 
to take care of themselves ; in public affairs they had 
local legislatures, and municipal self-direction. And 
now this continent from the Gulf of Mexico to where 
civilized life is stayed by barriers of frost, was become 
their dwelling-place and their heritage. 

Eeasoning men in New York, as early as 1748, 
foresaw and announced that the conquest of Canada, 
by relieving the Northern Colonies from danger, 
would hasten their emancipation. An attentive Swe- 
dish traveller in that year heard the opinion, and pub- 
lished it to Sweden and to Europe ; the early dreams 
of John Adams made the removal of " the turbulent 
Gallics" a prelude to the approaching greatness of his 
country. During the negotiations for peace, the kins- 
man and bosom friend of Edmund Burke, employed 
the British press to unfold the danger to England 
from retaining Canada ; and the French minister for 
foreign affairs frankly warned the British envoy, that 
the cession of Canada would lead to the independence 
of North America. 1 

Unintimidated by the prophecy, and obeying a 
higher and wiser instinct, England happily persisted. 
" We have caught them at last," 2 said Choiseul to 
those around him on the definitive surrender of New 
France ; and at once giving up Louisiana to Spain, his 
eager hopes anticipated the speedy struggle of Amer- 
ica for separate existence. So soon as the sagacious 

1 Hans Stanley to William Pitt, me by the late Albert Gallatin, 
1760, printed in Thackeray's Chat- confirmed by papers in my posses- 
ham, sion, relating to periods a little 

* From oral communications to earlier and a litt-e later. 


and experienced Vergennes, the French ambassador at chap. 
Constantinople, a grave, laborious man, remarkable ^^ 
for a calm temper and moderation of character, heard 1763. 
the conditions of the peace, he also said to his friends, 
and even openly to a British traveller, 1 " the conse- 
quences of the entire cession of Canada are obvious. 
I am persuaded," and afterwards he himself recalled 
his prediction to the notice of the British ministry, 2 — 
" England will ere long repent of having removed the 
only check that could keep her colonies in awe. 
They stand no longer in need of her protection ; she 
will call on them to contribute towards supporting 
the burdens they have helped to bring on her ; and 
they will answer by striking off all dependence." 
Lord Mansfield, also, used often to declare that he 
too, "ever since the peace of Paris, always thought 
the Northern Colonies were meditating a state of in- 
dependency on Great Britain. 3 " 

The colonial system, being founded on injustice, 
was at war with itself. The principle which confined 
the commerce of each colony to its own metropolis, 
was not only introduced by England into its domestic 
legislation, but was accepted as the law of nations in 
its treaties with other powers ; so that while it wan- 
tonly restrained its colonists, it was jealously, and on 
its own theory rightfully excluded from the rich pos- 
sessions of France and Spain. Those regions could 
be thrown open to British traders, only by the general - 
abrogation of the mercantile monopoly, which would 
extend the benefit to universal commerce, or by 

1 Lind's three letters to Price, ford, Secretary of State. No. 19. 
137. Separate. 31 October, 1775. 

9 Lord Stormont, British Am- * Lord Mansfield in the Honse of 
bassador at Paris, to Lord Roch- Lords, 20 Dec. 1775, in Almon. v. 

167. Force, vi. 233. 


chap. British conquest, which would close them once more 
^^Ls against all the world but the victors ; even against the 
1763. nations which had discovered and planted them. 
Leaving the nobler policy of liberty to find its defend- 
ers where it could, and wilfully, and as it were fatally 
blind to what would follow, England chose the policy 
of conquest and exclusion ; and had already acquired 
much of the empire of Spain in America, and nearly 
the whole of that of France in both hemispheres. 

The balance of the colonial system was destroyed 
for ever ; there existed no longer the community of 
interest for its support on the part of the great mari- 
time powers of Europe. The Seven Years' War which 
doubled the debt of England, increasing it to seven 
hundred millions of dollars, had been begun by her 
for the possession of the Ohio Valley. She achieved 
that conquest, but not for herself. Driven out from 
its share in the great colonial system, France was 
swayed by its own commercial and political interests, 
by its wounded pride, and by that enthusiasm which 
the support of a good cause enkindles, to take up the 
defence of the freedom of the seas, and heartily to 
desire the enfranchisement of the English plantations. 
This policy was well devised ; and we shall see that 
England became not so much the possessor of the 
Valley of the West, as the transient trustee, commis- 
sioned to transfer it from the France of the Middle 
Ages to the free people, who were making for hu- 
manity a new existence in America. 

END oe vol. rv.